
Class 
B()()k_ 



I'KKSKNTI-;!) 1)Y 



THE STORY 



OF 



MARYLAND POLITICS 



BY 
FRANK RICHARDSON KENT 



AN 

OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE BIG POLITICAL BATTLES OF THE 
STATE FROM 1864 TO 1910, WITH SKETCHES AND INCI- 
DENTS OF THE MEN AND MEASURES THAT FIGURED 
AS FACTORS, AND THE NAMES OF MOST OF THOSE 
WHO HELD OFFICE IN THAT PERIOD. 



BALTIMORE : 

THOMAS AND EVANS PRINTING CO. 

1911. 



Authoi: 
<F«xwn> 






PREFACE. 

This book does not profess to be a wholly complete political 
history of Maryland. The data for such a volume cannot be 
obtained because it does not exist. What I have attempted to 
do is to tell the political story of the State from the close of the 
Civil War to the present time, as accurately as possible and 
without bias. 

I have tried to give the facts about every political struggle 
worth telling about; to trace the rise and fall of the political 
factors in each; to show their relations to each other, the way 
they played politics and the kind of men they were. I have 
sought to picture every campaign made in the State since 1864, 
to give the names of the men nominated for the principal offices 
and those elected, to show the political causes that swept them 
in anu out of office, the source from which they dc'-'ved their 
power and the way in which they used it. The "insiae" and 
unpublished politics of the many notable fights that have been 
waged in this State is here given and it has also seemed worth 
while to comoile the names of the men who have represented 
Maryland in ...e Legislature and in Congress since 1880, in that 
there exists no other record of these men, and unless put in a 
form where they can be preserved, all recollection of them is 
bound to fade. 

It has taken nearly two years to gather the data upon which 
this book is based. In that time I have sought and obtained 
from men who were in the thick of the fights the information 
necessary to write the real story of the times. As the political 
reporter of the Baltimore Sun from 1900 to 1910, I had unusual 
opportunities for knowing the real politics played between those 
years. Prior to 1900, my information had to come from others 
and from the files of the Baltimore newspapers. I desire to take 
this opportunity to acknowledge my debt to the late John Pren- 
tiss Poe, the late William Pinkney Whyte, and the late Isaac 
Freeman Rasin, and to William F. Stone, Isaac Lobe Straus, 
Frank A. Furst, Frank Brown, Frank A. Richardson, Robert 



4 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Grain, Douglas H. Thomas, A. Leo Knott, T. J. C. Williams, 
Murray Vandiver, Judge J. Upshur Dennis, Carroll W. Rasin, 
Joseph Y. Brattan, J. F. C. Talbott, and many others who have 
aided me in getting at the truth of the past. 

The book may not be free from errors, but these are not 
material ones, and if it is of any value in keeping alive the 
State's political history and in showing its political progress, I 
will be satisfied. F. R. K. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Redemption of Mar\-land Froi- Militarism — Governor 
Swann and the Senatorship. 



The close of the Ci\-il War found the flower of the manhood 
of Mar>-Iand disfranchised. In those days it was not only a 
one-party State, but there was practically but one ticket in the 
field. During the war the baUot was denied every man known 
or suspected to be in s>-mpathy with the Confederacy. The 
poUs were surrounded by Federal soldiers. Tickets known as 
the Union and the Union Republican tickets were put up and 
elections were carried and men put into oflSce by the votes of 
an insignificant fraction of the male population. The test oaths 
and intimidation tactics employed by the militar>- and the poli- 
ticians that stood behind it disfranchised three-fourths of the 
white male citizens of Man-land. and popular suffrage was 
really almost extinct. 

This was the situation at the close of the war. and there are 

many men living in Mar>-land today who remember with painful 

distinctness the high-handed and outrageous methods used to 

gamer the spoils in those days. The beginning of the change 

came after the election of Governor Thomas Swann in 1864. 

Governor Swann was a Union man and was elected on the 

Union ticket, but he had been in ofl&ce but a short time before 

he gave unmistakable indications of a desire to cttt loose from 

the Republican oligarchy which was determined to permanently 

keep in fetters the Democratic majority. It was through him 

the registration books were opened and the franchise restored. 

It was his appointment of registrars who would not enforce the 

obnoxious test oaths and who placed back upon the books the 

names of the thousands of white men entitled to the privileges 

of the ballot, but from whom it had been taken that finally 

resulted in the withdrawal of the militar>- and the clearing of 
3 



ft TUK sroKV ov MAKVi wn iH>i rnrs. 

(he whole political alinosphcro. rtior lo the Swann election the 
Oetnoetatie party was a feeble and futile oi-j^anization. overawed 
In the militia and hainstrutig: by such test oaths as these, manipu- 
lated and construed so as to deprive men of the right to vote: 

"i i\o swear or atlirm that I am a citizen of the United States; 
that 1 have never !;iven any aid, countenance or supix)rt to those 
in armed hostility to the I'nited States: that I have never 
expressed a desire for the triumph of said enemies over the 
arms of the I'nited States, and that 1 will bear true faith and 
allegiance to the l^iited States and support the Constitution 
aiid tlie laws thereof as the supreme law of the land, any law or 
ordinajKe of any State to tlie contrary notwithstanding; that I 
will, in all respects, demean myself as a loyal citizen of the 
United States, and I make this oath or affirmation without 
reservation or evasion and believing it to be binding on me." 

The Constitution of the State then in force also contained this 
clause which was particularly useful to the politicians in refusing 
the ballot to noany who did take the oath above: 

"Any person declining to take such oath shall not be allowed 
to vote, but the taking of such oath shall not be deemed conclu- 
sive evidence of the right of such person to vote." 

With complete control of the voting machinery it can be 
realized how easily these provisions could be used as weapons 
of disfrancliisement and they were so used. Bonie down under 
the weig^lit of these handicaps, the Democrats in the Mayoralty 
election in October, 1S64. had no candidates at all. John Lee 
Cliapman and Archibald Stirling, Jr., both Union men. were 
the only nominees for Mayor, and the Chapman ticket was 
elected by about 8,000 majority, the Democrats taking no part 
in that fight, but concentrating all their energies against the 
adoption of the Constitution of 1864, which was voted upon at 
the same time, and which was declared adopted by a small 
majority, notwithstanding tlie charges of fraud made by the 
Democratic committee to Governor Bradford. The "soldier" 
vote was denounced as a fraudulent one, and the accusation w^as 
nude that the returns liad been deliberately held back in order 
to pad them sufficientlv. Proof of this was offered, but it was 



vrarr or w^mruksn mtrxstm. 



of no avaiL It is uiteniHiu^ to aafie tite w«ee Ae 

wiio in duae atkiiyg dofs is Ae aimM t: fifdieai 

party and wfae> were IVmacBtti w&en tf: tHfegenniiK concifse tn 

be one. Oden Bowie was yf l aw hbw of tiic Desnooeatic State Csi- 
tral Commfttee at die tine, ami A. Leo Kflolfc was its aecretarj. 
At a meermg heki Oetofier 27. 1S64, go fonaoiate thdr protest 
against the frand by winch the Ctm^uk^ti^ f ^gs adapted, rhf 
following were present: 

Anne Anrodci Ccumy — ^T. S. I^Ab%. Bliefaefes BL Green 
and Sprigg Harwocw. 

Baltiraorc Cottnty — W. M. Isaac, George H. Csrwtsm R. R. 
Boarman, Caleb D. Owing?. E. 5. Myers. Edward Sp r wr n and 
Thomas Todd. 

Baltimore Citv — Bernard Carter. Albert Urn-hit^ James H. 
Brewer. W. H. Roberts. Edward B. Baffam. Ezra Whimian. 
Josfana yt Boslev, A. Leo Knott. J. Wc^ev Waddns. WHfiam 
Tomer, John Wlson, Dr. M. N. Tayior, W. H. Joimson. Nkho- 
fas gite iii H, Edward J. Chaisty. Robert H. Wright: Thomas 
W. Caoip&eS!. Edward G. Starr anrf W. C. Scetshens. 

Calvert — T. Lewis Griffith. Daniei R. ifa^ruder. Dr. 3. O. 



---"-—•- — -^ - : " -::-■:--:" r- :-^ Dr. Charles 
Tarr. 

Carroll — George Criuse. ~r Ze.t. , t VV. Maow ^id 
Ja'-:':b P-'z^e- 

,r:::— H.r^^ - -'e. J. V. WaBbcse, 

W. F. J. Henry, Dr. J. H. M ; ; Dr. J. J. Baddey. 

Charles— Dr. T^- . - ^ -ck Stneu 

Fredenck— t^en , ^_ V. Dbrsey, J<An 

SiffionL L'pton Worthingtoii, W. ? Dorsey. OuDarbridge 



HarT:-i — R. R. \ ancf^er. I- ,1 J. Rnsfe Street. 

Keat — James Alfrec Pearce. 

Mi»tg«jii ••ii — Alexander Kilgctx. 

Tior^e^-T—?^ S. Gclfi-bcrcugh and CaiA Sbepberd. 

0"-"-^ - -^ — Maci^n Brcwri and W. H. N'eal 



8 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Somerset — Levin Woolford and George R. Dennis. 

St. Mary's— John F. Dent and C. F. Maddox. 

Talbot — John Harrington and Captain Hardcastle. 

Worcester — L. Derrickson and John R. Franklin. 

Washington — Jacob H. Grove and William T. Hamilton. 

In the Democratic State convention of that year Ezekiel F. 
Chambers, of Kent county, was nominated for Governor against 
Governor Swann. Mr. Bernard Carter made the nominating 
speech, and his friends endeavored to make him accept the nomi- 
nation for Attorney-General. Notwithstanding his declination, 
they put his name before the convention, and it was not until 
the fifth ballot that he was permitted to withdraw, and I. Nevitt 
Steele was nominated. Later Mr. Steele got off the ticket and 
Mr. Carter became the candidate. Mr. Bowie, afterward Gov- 
ernor, was the candidate for Lieutenant-Governor. It was the 
year of the Presidential election and Swann ran on the ticket 
with Lincoln, who had been renominated for the Presidency by 
his party. The State candidates of the two parties in Maryland 
were: 

UNION. 

Governor — Thomas Swann. 

Lieutenant-Governor — Christopher Columbus Cox. 

Attorney - General — Alexander Randall, of Anne Arundel 
county. 

Comptroller — Robert J. Jump, of Caroline county. 

Judge of the Court of Appeals — Daniel Wiesel, of Washing- 
ton county. 

DEMOCRATIC. 

Governor — Ezekiel F. Chambers, of Kent county. 
Lieutenant-Governor — Oden Bowie, of Prince George's county. 
Attorney-General — Bernard Carter, of Baltimore city. 
Comptroller — A. Lingan Jarrett. of Harford county. 
Judge of the Court of Appeals — W. P. Maulsby, of Frederick 
county. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 9 

The Union candidates for Congress were J. A. J. Creswell, 
Edwin H. Webster, Charles E. Phelps, Frank Thomas and John 
G. Holland, while the Democrats had nominated Hiram McCul- 
lough, William Kimmel, A. Leo Knott, A. K. Syester and Ben- 
jamin G. Harris. James R. Brewer was a candidate for the 
^State Senate in the city, and Jacob Frey, afterward Police Mar- 
shal, and E. J. Chaisty were on the House of Delegates ticket. 
The election was held on November 8, 1864. Every person 
applying to vote was required to take the test oath, and many 
were peremptorily challenged for alleged disloyalty and their 
votes refused. Swann was elected by about 9,000 majority, and 
the rest of the ticket went in with him. The Democrats secured 
a majority of 2 in the State Senate, then composed of 24 mem- 
bers, but the Republicans had a majority of 24 in the House 
and complete control. There was not a single Democrat from 
Baltimore City elected to either House of Delegates or Senate. 
Almost immediately after taking his seat Governor Swann 
began to co-operate with the Democrats in the Legislature in 
their efforts to free themselves from the bonds under which 
they had so long chafed. His course in this brought down upon 
him the bitter denunciation of the Republican politicians who 
had helped nominate and elect him, but it gained for him State- 
wide praise and commendation among the Democrats as well 
as among the fair-minded members of his own party, the decent 
element of which had become disgusted with the rank injustice 
and brutality with which elections were conducted. 

There is a story that Swann's course was the result of a bar- 
gain made by him with the Democrats by which in return for 
his influence in opening the registration lists he was to have — 
and later he got it — the Democratic support for United States 
Senator. This accusation was made by the embittered men of 
his own party who regarded him as a traitor, but there is no 
evidence to sustain this charge, nor to show that Swann was 
prompted by any other motive than his own sense of justice and 
right. At all events by opening the registration lists 
lie made it possible for the Democrats to gain control 
of the Legislature of 1867, and this was the Legislature 



10 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

that called the Constitutional Convention of 1867. The Republi- 
cans declined to recognize the validity of the call, and ignored 
it. They refrained from going to the polls, believing up to the -last 
moment they would get help and encouragement from Washing- 
ton. They did not get it, and in the convention that met in May, 
and adjourned August 19, 1867, after 75 days of continuous ses- 
sion, there was not a single Republican. It was a solid, conser- 
vative, substantial body of men, earnest and sincere. Judge R. B. 
Carmichael, who some time before had been clubbed ofif the 
bench with revolvers wielded by Federal deputy marshals, pre- 
sided over the convention, and there were as members the men 
of brains, influence and character in the State. Among them 
were Bernard Carter, Judge Henry Page, the late Judge AJbert 
C. Ritchie, Henry Farnandis, of Harford county; George Wil- 
liam Brown, the late Judge Wickes, George M. Gill, Judge Henry 
F. Garey and many others. When this body completed its work 
the present Constitution of the State had been framed. 

In the January before the Constitutional Convention Governor 
Swann made his first fight for the United States Senate, and the 
incidents connected with this fight form one of the most interest- 
ing episodes of this period. At the time Maryland was repre- 
sented in the United States Senate by Reverdy Johnson, who, a 
Whig before the war, had acted with the Democrats afterward, 
and John Andrew Jackson Creswell, of Cecil county, who was 
elected by the Legislature of 1865 to fill out the unexpired term 
^ of Senator Thomas H. Hicks, who died in that year. Creswell 
was later Postmaster-General under Grant and was a most re- 
sourceful politician. Various accounts of why Swann at the last 
minute declined the Senatorship. to which the Democrats had 
elected him, and which he ardently desired, have been given, but 
the actual inside story of how he avoided the trap set for him by 
the Republicans, and how he obtained the tip, have never been 
told. 

The fact is that it was a woman who let the cat out of the bag, 
and spoiled the well-laid, carefully concealed Republican plan of 
knocking Swann out of the Governorship, as well as the Senator- 
ship. The most interesting part of the story, which is undoubt- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 11 

edly true, is that the woman was Mrs. Creswell, wife of the 
man Swann proposed to succeed, and who was fighting to hold 
on to the place. Few men at the time knew the actual facts, and 
fewer still know it now. Two who did, however, were Mr. John 
P. Poe and Mr. Bernard Carter, and they gained their informa- 
tion more than a year after Swann's declination. 

One day about this time, Mr. Poe and Mr. Carter were com- 
ing over from Washington to Baltimore on a Baltimore and 
Ohio train. Montgomery Blair, an uncle of State Senator Blair 
Lee, of Montgomery county, who had been Postmaster-General 
under Lincoln, and was also a brother of Francis P. Blair, Demo- 
cratic candidate for the Vice-Presidency in 1868, was on the 
train, and the three men engaged in conversation. Montgomery 
Blair told this story. He said after Swann had been elected 
Senator by the Democratic Legislature, two men from Cecil 
county, one a Republican and one a Democrat, and both warm 
friends of Senator Creswell, were in Washington enjoying them- 
selves. When the time came to go home one of them said to the 
other, "Let's go up and pay our respects to the Senator before 
we go. We can wait over for the next train just as well." The 
other Cecil countian agreed, and the two got on a car and went up 
to Senator Creswell's house. Senator Creswell was not at home, 
but Mrs. Creswell came down to greet them. She knew the 
Republican as a personal and political friend of her husband, and 
naturally supposed his companion to be a Republican, too. She 
began to talk of her husband's retirement from the Senate in a 
day or so, and one of the men said something about Governor 
Swann's election as his successor. 

''Oh, yes," said Mrs. Creswell, "but we do not intend to let 
him take his seat," and she thereupon told of the determination of 
the Senate leaders to turn Swann down upon the ground that he 
had entered into a corrupt bargain with the Democrats to secure 
his election. The plan was to keep this a secret until Swann had re- 
linquished the Governorship and Christopher Columbus Cox had 
been installed in his place. If this could be carried through the 
Republicans would have had the State and Swann would have 
been out in the cold and jobless. 



12 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Mrs. Creswell's naive and candid tale thrilled the Cecil county 
Democrat with interest. He drank it all in without batting an 
eye, but he was doing- some pretty fast thinking, and as soon as 
he got out of the Creswell house he made the quickest possible 
time getting in touch with Montgomery Blair, to whom he re- 
lated what Mrs. Creswell had said. This was the first intima- 
tion the Democratic leaders had had that Swann would not be 
permitted to take his seat, and as he was to relinquish the Gov- 
ernorship the next day, it presented a most serious situation. 

Blair immediately dispatched a trusted messenger to Annapolis 
with the news for Governor Swann. The messenger reached An- 
napolis about an hour and a half before the Legislature con- 
vened for the day, and delivered the news to Swann. Mr. Cox, 
the Lieutenant-Governor, elected on the same ticket with Swann, 
was in iVnnapolis with his wife, daughters and friends, waiting 
to be inaugurated immediately after Swann resigned the Gov- 
ernorship, and all the preparations for the inaugural were com- 
plete. Upon the receipt of Blair's message Swann hastily sent 
this letter to Cox: 

"Having informed you of my purpose to resign the position 
which I now hold as Governor of Maryland on February 26 (this 
day), I now state in order that it may be communicated to the 
Senate to whom the announcement has been made, that I do 
not feel at liberty to take this important step without further time 
for deliberation. I shall communicate with the General Assem- 
bly at as early a date as practicable upon this matter. 

"With great respect, I am, your obedient servant, 

"Thomas Swann." 

Cox may or may not have known of the intention of the Senate 
leaders not to seat Swann, but he knew nothing of Swann's pur- 
pose to decline until he got this letter, and this was just before he 
entered the old Senate Chamber to preside over that body. He 
had expected to be Governor in an hour, and the collapse of his 
elaborate inaugural plans brought great mortification and humili- 
ation to him and his friends. 

On March 2 — four days later — Swann sent this communica- 
tion to the Legislature: 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 13 

"Gentlemen: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
an official communication from the President of the Senate and 
the Speaker of the House of Delegates informing me that the 
General Assembly of Maryland had elected me a Senator of the 
United States for the term of six years from March 4, 1867. This 
honor has been conferred upon me, as is well known throughout 
the State, without any urging or solicitation upon my part. It 
had been my purpose in response to the action of your honorable 
body and what was then the wish of the people of the State, to 
have accepted this high trust, and I had so expressed myself on 
various occasions and more recently in an interview with the 
Lieutenant-Governor. Within a short time past, however, and up 
to the date of my communication to that officer on the 26th ultimo, 
when my resignation was expected to be officially announced, I 
have been visited by such appeals from the representative men 
of the State, urged with an earnestness and unanimity which 
could not be mistaken, asking my continuance in the Guberna- 
torial chair, that I did not feel at liberty to consult my individual 
preferences in making up a final judgment upon this subject. I 
have no right from any motive of personal ambition in connection 
with the Senatorial office, if such could be supposed for a mo- 
ment to influence my action, to disregard my paramount obliga- 
tion to the people of my State. With this brief explanation I 
deem it proper to avail myself of the earliest opportunity com- 
patible with the public interests, and in deference to what I be- 
lieve to be my duty to the people of the State of Maryland, to 
decline appointment of Senator of the United States for six years 
from March 4, 1867, and to return to the General Assembly my 
grateful appreciation of the distinguished honor it has conferred 
upon me." 

The fact that Swann had learned of the plan to refuse him 
admission to the Senate after he had given up the Governorship, 
of course, became known after a while. Swann, at the time, got 
the credit of sacrificing his own personal ambitions in order not 
to turn the State over to the Republicans, and a resolution was 
passed by the Legislature by the vote of every Democrat highly 
commending him for his stand, and practically pledging him its 



14 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

support next time. After Swann's declination the Legislature 
again went into the throes of electing a Senator, and all the candi- 
dates who had been in the fight before again came to the front. 
Among them were E. K. Wilson, Isaac D. Jones, George R. Den- 
nis and James T. Earle. After balloting for some days Philip 
Francis Thomas was chosen, but he was not permitted to take his 
seat in the Senate on the ground that he had given "aid and com- 
fort to the enemy," his crime consisting of the fact that he had 
given his son $io to go South during the war. Following this, 
the Legislature elected General George' R. Vickers, of Kent 
county, and him the Senate seated. 

An interesting incident connected with General Vickers' elec- 
tion is that his vote was necessary to sustain Andrew Johnson 
in the impeachment trial then pending in the Senate, General 
Vickers was at his home in Chestertown when he was elected. 
Word came to the Democratic leaders from Washington that 
his vote was needed. After the Legislature adjourned on the 
day of his election an ice boat was obtained and General Vickers' 
friends, led by J. Q. A. Robson, of Baltimore, made the trip from 
Annapolis to Chestertown, breaking the ice in the bay as they 
went. They reached General Vickers' home late at night, and it 
is stated got him out of bed, notified him of his election, took 
him to Baltimore by boat, put him on a special Baltimore and 
Ohio train furnished by John W. Garrett, and got him to Wash- 
ington just in time to be sworn in and cast his vote in favor of 
the President. The impeachment proceedings against Andrew 
Johnson failed of success by one vote, and the claim has been 
made that but for the prompt action of the Democratic leaders in 
Maryland they would have been successful. 



CHAPTER II. 



The Rise to Power of Gorman and Rasin — Entrance of the 
Negro Into Politics. 



In 1866 both the late Arthur P. Gorman and the late I. Free- 
man Rasin were active in politics, although they had not then met 
and had no claims to leadership. 

Mr. Gorman during the Civil War was assistant postmaster 
of the United States Senate, and while Swann was Governor he 
was made Collector of Internal Revenue for the Fifth Mary- 
land district by President Andrew Johnson, with whom he was 
a great personal favorite. He was then about 27 years old, and 
was possessed of a certain amount of strength in Howard county, 
but had no real following. Those who knew him recognized the 
power and ability of the man, and even at that age he had a repu- 
tation for political astuteness and sagacity. At that time he is 
described as dressing in a ministerial blackness unusual for a 
man of his age and preserving a grave and serious countenance. 
His absolute impassiveness and imperturability were then, as 
in the years to follow, most marked. No one can be found who 
even in his youth can remember a moment when Mr. Gorman 
was thrown off his balance or lost either his head or his temper. 
He took defeat and victory with equal coolness and calm, and he 
showed no emotion even under the most exciting conditions. In 
this, as in many other respects, he was a remarkable man. The 
mountains of abuse and villification heaped upon him in the long 
course of his political career left him unshaken and serene. Nor 
did they shake the affection and loyalty of his friends. In a 
speech at the Lyric in his last Senatorial campaign, when some 
man in the audience rose up and denounced those who were at- 
tacking him, Mr. Gorman replied, with a smile on his face: "My 
friend, don't you mind what they say about me. It does not hurt 
the ticket ; it gives those fellows something to write about, and 
it is the best advertisement I could possibly have." 

Many of the things said about Mr. Gorman, however, stung 



15 



10 THE STORY OF MARYLAND TOLITICS. 

him to the quick, and he neither forgave nor forgot his enemies, 
but he showed no feeling about it either pubhcly or privately. 
The few replies he made to attacks upon him were made for po- 
litical and not personal reasons. His policy was to ignore assaults 
upon himself, believing the most effective answer to be the ma- 
jorities for his tickets on election day. At this time, however, he 
was not a factor in Maryland politics, and was not taken into 
consideration by the leaders. 

Mr. Rasin, some years older than Mr. Gorman, was then a 
well-known figue in Baltimore city politics. In the old Know 
Nothing days he had been secretary of the Ashland Club, a 
Know Nothing organization of East Baltimore. He, however, 
cast only one vote for a candidate of that party, and that was 
for Mayor Hicks in 1856, and his connection with that element 
was temporary and rested upon slight ties. During the war he 
seems to have been occupied by business pursuits and was for 
a while in the millinery business. He had, however, a consider- 
able personal following and a local reputation for keenness and 
capacity in ward politics. His strength in the party was recog- 
nized to such an extent that as soon as the State was reclaimed 
from the military and Federal rule he was nominated upon the 
city Democratic ticket for the important place of Clerk of the 
Court of Common Pleas. This was in 1867, and is significant 
mainly in showing that he was even then an acknowledged factor 
in the party organization. He was elected in that year, and it 
was from that office which he held for a period of 18 years that 
he developed his early leverage as a leader. At the time his 
pecuniary resources were small, but he was thrifty. 

After his first election in 1867 Mr. Rasin went along quietly 
extending his power from ward to ward, rapidly growing in 
strength and importance politically ; but it was not until the 
Brown-Hodges fight for Mayor that he swept the city of all 
opposition to his leadership and secured a grip upon the organi- 
zation of his party which until the day of his death was never 
relaxed nor shaken. His absolute and complete domination of 
the party in the city, in season and out of season, through the 
fat years when the City Hall patronage was all his own, and 
through long, lean years when the power of rewarding his fol- 




ArtiujR p. Gorman, 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. . 17 

lowers was taken entirely away from him and the Mayor's chair 
was occupied either by a Republican or an anti-Rasin Democrat 
(who treated him with even less consideration), was a feat 
practically without precedent in this country and his whole po- 
litical career has stamped him as one of the ablest political 
leaders in the land. He was in equally close touch with the best 
and the worst elements in the city. Men like "Tom" Smith, the 
negro Democrat of the Seventeenth ward, and the "Muldoons" 
of politics saw him at his office, while men like Douglas Thomas, 
William Shepard Bryan and hundreds of others of equally high 
standing, including some of the best known clergymen in Balti- 
more, saw him at his home and were his friends. 

He knew everything and everybody. The gossip of the slums 
and the gossip of the local "400" came to him,, with equal facility 
and he was keenly interested in both. He was an inexhaustible 
mine of personal information about people and nothing worth 
knowing in the town escaped him. No man who ever lived in 
Baltimore has been in anything like as close touch with the people 
as was Mr. Rasin, and no man who ever lived here had the 
acquaintance or the friends he possessed. The subterranean 
methods of communication he had in operation were numerous 
and marvelous. In a number of instances men who were actively 
fighting him on the stump and throughout a campaign on the 
surface were in reality his agents and under cloak of darkness 
went to his house nightly to report. The names of some of these 
men would astonish the citizens of Baltimore. Like Mr. Gorman, 
Mr. Rasin bore the brunt of many battles and had more than his 
share of abuse and villification. Unlike Mr. Gorman, however, 
he did not bear these attacks serenely or with a philosophic mind. 
On the contrary, he bitterly resented them, writhed under them 
and violently denounced his enemies to his friends, freeing his 
mind of his opinion of them and relating whatever of a discredit- 
able nature he knew of them. 

At the period when he was first elected as clerk of the court 
the Democratic party in city and State was really in a formative 
stage. It was just getting on its feet, just recovering from the 
years of oppression to which it had been subjected. There was 
no real organization. Mr. Frank A. Furst says that at the time 



18 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

he came to Baltimore (about 1866) the downtown leaders used 
to include John Pickering, Dr. Milton N. Taylor, Timothy Ryan, 
father of William P. Ryan; Fritz Buckheimer, George Colton, 
Robert J. Slater, I. Freeman Rasin, J. Q. A. Robson and one or 
two others. They used to meet at Stevens' shipyard, at the foot 
of Ann street, to talk things over. Patterson Park was another 
meeting place. J. Frank Morrison, who in later years Mr. Rasin 
hated as violently as he did any man in town ; Hiram Dudley. 
Morris Thomas and others were among the uptown politicians. 
The ward leaders in those days — that is, the men who controlled 
the organization, such as it was, in their respective wards — in- 
cluded "Billy" Constantine, in the old First ward ; Fritz Buck- 
heimer, in the Second; Isaac Sanner, in the Third; John Quinn, 
called "Hack" because at that time he drove a hack for a living, 
in the Fourth ; John Gray and "Bob" Hayes, in the Fifth ; J. Q. A. 
Robson, in the Sixth ; Mr. Rasin, in the Seventh ; Richardson and 
the Kernans, in the Eighth ; John J. Mahon, then known as 
"Sonny" and now the organization leader, in the Ninth ; Henry 
G. Fledderman, in the Tenth ; John Gill, Jr., and Roger Dulany, 
in the Eleventh ; J. Frank Morrison and Hiram Dudley, in the 
Fourteenth ; "Mat" Donovan, in the Fifteenth ; Col. Eugene 
Joyce, in the Sixteenth ; Key and Briscoe, in the Eighteenth ; 
Claypoole and Bart Smith, in the Nineteenth, and Paul Krout, 
in the Twentieth. 

These were the Democratic politicians in the city of the Swann 
administration. Prior to that time they amounted to little or noth- 
ing, but after the capture by their party of the Legislature of 
1867 they at once became factors. Of the lot Rasip, Slater and 
Morrison were the strongest, each of these three having control 
not only of his own ward but of others through their friends 
among the ward leaders. There was no big city Democratic boss. 
He had not then developed. Mr. Rasin, like Mr. Gorman, was 
but upon the threshold of his political career, and it was years 
afterward before he obtained that undisputed ascendancy within 
the city organization which he held without loosening his grasp 
and without a serious rival through victory and defeat alike for 
an unbroken period of nearly 30 years. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 19 

The story of the first meeting of Mr. Gorman and Mr. Rasin 
was one which the latter was exceedingly fond of telling. It oc- 
curred in 1870 in the back office of the old Courthouse, where Mr. 
Rasin had his headquarters during the years he served as Clerk 
of the Court of Common Pleas. A conference was being held in 
this office of which several of the State leaders were present. Mr. 
Rasin said that throughout the conference he noticed Gorman sit- 
ting quietly in the background, saying nothing, but listening 
quietly and intently. After the conference broke up Mr. Rasin 
asked John W. Davis who was that young fellow sitting over 
there with the smooth face. 

"Don't you know him?" asked Davis. "Why, that is Gorman, 
of Howard county, and he is a good man, too. Come over here, 
Gorman," And Mr. Gorman got up and came over. He and Mr. 
Rasin shook hands and sized each other up. Afterward several 
of them went across to lunch at Barnum's Hotel and Gorman 
went along. Mr. Rasin used to say: "While we were easing [ 
was trying to size him up and I felt he was doing the same thing 
with me." The next time Rasin saw John W. Davis he said to 
Tiim : "That fellow Gorman is no fool." 

"That's exactly what he says about you," was the reply. 
• That was the beginning of an alliance that lasted 35 years, and 
the bonds between the two men were so strong that even when 
they fell out personally they could not afford to separate alto- 
gether politically. 

After his first Senatorial fiasco Governor Swann by no means 
abandoned the idea of going to the United States Senate. As a 
matter of fact, he allied himself more strongly than ever with 
the Democrats, and his friends and himself looked forward to 
the Legislature of 1869 to elect him as the successor of Reverdy 
Johnson, who was in the Senate at the time. Accordingly, Gov- 
ernor Swann pitched himself into the fight for the adoption of 
the Constitution of 1867, and was the star Democratic orator in 
that campaign. He made a ringing and eloquent address at a 
tremendous mass-meeting held in Baltimore in Monument Square 
in September, 1867, in which he aroused unbridled enthusiasm, 
by declaring that his effort would be to co-operate with the con- 
servative Democrats of the State to stay the progress of radical 



20 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

principles. At this meeting the marching Democratic ward club> 
were a big feature. This was the first campaign in which they, 
with their bands and transparencies, figured, and much was made 
of it at the time. They have been a feature of every really big 
mass-meeting since that time. 

Some of the legends of the club banners included "Equal rights 
and equal laws for the white man." A free Constitution and 
free speech." Mr, James R. Brewer, chairman of the State Ex- 
ecutive Committee, called the meeting to order, and it was pre- 
sided over by Hon. Thomas G. Pratt. The vice-presidents in- 
cluded Joshua Vansant, Mendes Cohen, John H. Barnes, James 
Henderson, Ezra Whitman, George P. Donalson, P. P. Pen- 
dleton, John A. Robb, James Marshall, E. H. Hobbs, James W. 
McElroy, Henry F. Garey, James Bartol, Henry Duvall and 
others. Still other meetings, equally enthusiastic, were held, and 
the sentiment of the people throughout the State was thoroughly 
aroused. They were stirred by the eloquent appeals of the besi. 
and biggest men in Maryland. As a result, when the election 
was held on September i8 the Constitution, under which the 
people of the State are living today, was ratified by a majority 
of 25,852. 

As has been stated, the Republicans held themselves aloof, 
many of them did not go to the polls at all, and up to the lasi 
moment they looked for the aid from Washington which did not 
come. It was a sweeping and decisive victory for the "Conser- 
vative Democratic party," as it was then called, over the "Radi- 
cal Republican party," and sent the former into the campaign 
which opened almost immediately with an enthusiasm and confi- 
dence that nothing could check. In November of that year Oden 
Bowie was elected Governor by the unprecedented plurality of 
41,644, greater than that attained by any Governor of Maryland, 
before or since. With him there was elected a Legislature that 
was solidly and unanimously Democratic in both branches, there 
y\ being not a single Republican in either House or Senate, In the 
\^ Congressional elections of the year following the Democrats 
again swept the State, electing all six Congressmen. These two 
elections placed the Democratic party firmly on its feet, and from 
that date until the present time it has maintained its ascendency 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 21 

in the State and city governments, with the single exception of 
the four years from 1895 to 1899, during which period Lloyd 
Lowndes was Governor of the State and Alcaeus Hooper and 
William T. Malster the Mayors of Baltimore city. 

Before telling the story of the nomination of Oden Bowie, 
his fight for it and what followed, which is an interesting 
one, full of significant sidelights, it is well to take a view of the 
first big, dominant figure in the party after the war — William 
Pinkney Whyte. He was the first real leader; in fact, he was 
the only man whose grasp upon the organization of his part> 
included counties as well as city. Astute and popular, he was 
a master of the art of working up the election of delegates to 
conventions, and at other tricks of the trade as well. With a 
grip of iron he ruled and ran things for years. He was the boss 
and an unrelenting and determined one, who combined with 
ability, strength and personal integrity a magnetism and lovable- 
ness that bound men to him with bonds of steel. 

When Gorman and Rasin were starting out as local leaders — 
before ever they had met — Whyte had been in politics for 20 
years. He was first elected to the house of Delegates as far back 
as 1847, ^rid before the Constitutional Convention of 1867 was 
held he had served in the State Senate, as State Comptroller and 
as United States Senator. Also he had been a candidate for Con- 
gress, but was euchred out of the election and his opponent, J. 
Morrison Harris, father of the present Postmaster, W. Hall Har- 
ris, and afterward a candidate for Governor on the Reform ticket 
against Carroll, got the seat to which Whyte and his friends al- 
ways believed he was entitled. 

It was when Reverdy Johnson was made Minister to the Court 
of St. James that Governor Swann appointed Mr. Whyte to serve 
out the unexpired term in the Senate from March 4, 1869. He 
was in the Senate this time less than one year, but in that year he 
cast a vote and made a speech of which he never afterward ceased 
to be proud, and for some years before he died he was the only 
living man at that time a member of the United States Senate 
who had voted and spoken against the amendment to the Consti- 
tution of the United States conferring the right of suflFrage upon 
the negro. In fact, he outlived everv member of that Senate, both 



22 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

those who voted for and those who voted against the amendment, 
and when 28 years later, a whole generation, he again entered the 
Senate for the third time as a representative of Maryland — he 
was the sole survivor — the one man who could speak on this sub- 
ject as a personal participant in that memorable and stirring 
struggle. In his last years Mr. Whyte liked to refer to this vote 
of his, and in the campaign against the Poe suffrage amendment 
in 1905, which he violently opposed, he would quote his speech 
and vote at that time as showing his eternal and consistent oppo- 
sition to the principle of negro suffrage. In this connection it is 
a significant and interesting fact that the first time the l^egroes 
ever voted in Maryland at a State election was at the electron of 
187 1, when Mr. Whvte was the Democratic candidate for Gov- 
ernor, and it was the negro vote which reduced the Bowie plural- 
ity of 41,000 and more, when none but white men voted, to 15,000 
showing that there was at that election about 26,000 black ballots 
cast solidly for the Republican ticket. And they have been cast 
with equal solidity for the candidates of that party ever since, 
more than doubling numerically, but remaining almost sta- 
tionary^ in intelligence, discrimination and independence. 
\ The hegroes, however, first voted in Maryland in the Congres- 
' sional election of 1870— a year before Whyte was a candidate — 
and at a time when no State candidate was chosen. The Whyte 
\ election marked the start of vote-buying and election bribery in 
^ Maryland. Prior to that time such a thing as a man selling his 
^^^ vote or buying the vote of others was practically unknown. In 
1871 the start in this sort of corruption began, and the Demo- 
crats were responsible for it, they being the ones who first found 
Iit profitable to pay the*fiegroes to stay away from the polls. The 
practice grew greatly from that date, and no campaign that fol- 
lowed has been free from it. From buying the negroes the next 
step was buying the white men, and it did not take many years 
of this sort of thing before the politics of Maryland became thor- 
oughly steeped in corruption. Alt is a fact that in no State in the 
Union anywhere near the size of Maryland has as much money 
been spent in elections as here. A remarkable feature connected 
with this is that the great bulk of the huge sums that have been 
spent here was raised outside of the State, mostly in New York. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 23 

Many thousands of dollars have been given Maryland Demo- 
cratic leaders in this State by Xew York men for election pur- 
poses. In one campaign Harry Welles Rusk, then chairman of 
the Democratic City Committee, went to Xew York and returned 
with $io.cxx) contributed there by Xew Yorkers for use here in 
an entirely local campaign. This is only one instance. There 
were many such. 

Mr. Gorman had never any difficulty in raising money in Xew 
York for Marj'land campaigns, and the amount that has been 
used here in State elections is almost incredible. The Republi- 
cans in Maryland never had much money in elections prior to the 
1896 campaign, when Bryan was first nominated for the Presi- 
dency. In that campaign the Democrats were unable to get hold 
of enough money to pay actual expenses, whereas the Republi- 
cans had more than they could spend. The same has been true in 
every Presidential and Congressional election since that time. In 
those years the Democrats always had to rake the State with 
a fine tooth comb to get their campaign fund and got little help 
outside, while the Republicans got huge contributions from 
the national headquarters and have always been plentifully sup- 
plied. 

In the State campaign the situation was just the reverse, and 
in only one Gubernatorial campaign .ince the Civil War have the 
Republicans had as much money as the Democrats. That was in 
1895, when Lowndes, the only Republican Governor since the 
war, was elected, and at that time the bulk of the Republican 
money was raised by the independent Democrats, who had bolted 
the party. Maryland probably holds the record of being the 
home of the man who spent more money to have himself elected 
to Congress than any other single individual in the country. 
William H. Jackson admitted spending $50,000 in one of his cam- 
paigns on the Eastern Shore, and some of his close friends who 
helped handle his money estimate his total expenditures in the 
1906 campaign at closer to $80,000 than the former sum. 



CHAPTER III 



The Railroad War that Elected Oden Bowie Governor. 



To return to the Bowie fight for the Gubernatorial nomination 
in 1867, its distinguishing feature was the battle royal that waged 
between the Pennsylvania and the Baltimore and Ohio railroad 
companies, beginning before Bowie's nomination and continuing 
pretty well through his administration. The Legislatures of 1868 
and of 1870 were both marked by the conflicts between those two 
big corporations which locked horns and bitterly fought for priv- 
ileges and franchises in the gift of the General Assembly. The 
Bowie administration marked the real beginning of the lobby at 
Annapolis, and money flowed as freely as water at both these 
sessions. These were the "palmy days" for the genial gentlemen 
who operated in the lobby, and it was about this period that they 
formed an almost perfect organization, a combination that was 
without a flaw and that held compactly together for many years. 
Several men in these "palmy days" made a great deal of more or 
less legitimate lucre, and they made it openly and almost without 
criticism for some time. 

Some years before the war the Legislature had granted to 
Oden Bowie and other well-known citizens of Prince George's 
county and Southern Maryland a charter to build the Baltimore 
and Pope's Creek railroad, with power to construct "lateral" 
branches. Mr. Bowie was anxious for this road to be established 
and the people of his county wanted it badly. Some time before 
the war Mr. Bowie, took the charter to John W. Garrett, presi- 
dent of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, and asked 
him to build the road. Mr. Garrett did not seem to think much 
of the proposition, but said that if the people in the section 
through which it was proposed to run would build the road them- 
selves he would equip and operate it. This was equivalent to sit- 
ting down on the proposition, and again it languished for some 
years. Then Mr. Bowie, after giving the charter and its "lat- 
eral" branches section some more study, conceived the idea that 

24 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 25 

under it the Pennsylvania Railroad could build the Baltimore and 
Potomac road, connecting its line with Washington. 

At that time the Pennsylvania had no connection between Bal- 
timore and Washington. The Baltimore and Ohio had the only 
road, and it held its rival by the throat, forcing it to haul its cars 
across the city to Camden Station by horses and refusing to per- 
mit tickets to be sold by the Pennsylvania good from New York 
to Washington. When this idea of linking the Pennsylvania 
with Washington by a line of its own struck Mr. Bowie he put 
his trusty little charter in his pocket and went to Philadelphia, 
where he called upon Thomas A. Scott, then president of the 
Pennsylvania Railroad system. Mr. Bowie had to wait in the 
outer office for nearly two hours before he saw Mr. Scott, but 
he finally did see him and laid the matter before him. That far- 
seeing gentleman instantly saw the big possibilities for his road 
that lay within the charter, but he also saw that some additional 
legislation would be necessary before these could materialize. 
He accordingly told Mr. Bowie: "We cannot do anything with 
that charter now. John W. Garrett has got the Maryland Legis- 
lature in his hands and can do what he wants with it. Go back 
and get yourself elected Governor of the State and I can then 
talk business to you." 

Mr. Bowie came back to Baltimore and that night at Barnum's 
Hotel let his friends know that he would be a candidate for the 
Gubernatorial nomination. For years he had been prominent 
in the Democratic party and was one of its most popular and 
strongest men. A soldier of the Mexican War. he had a big per- 
sonal following throughout the State, and immediately became 
a formidable candidate. He began work at once and the South- 
ern Maryland counties rallied around him, forming the nucleus 
of his strength. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad suspected 
nothing of the scheme this Gubernatorial aspirant had up his 
sleeve, or the line would have been sharply drawn before the 
convention met and Mr. Garrett could probably have defeated 
him with ease. As it was, he had an exceedingly hard fight to 
land the nomination, winning by one vote, and that one cast bv 
a man pledged to the opposing candidate. 



2G THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

The first nominations to follow the ratifications of the new- 
Constitution came on September 25, of the same year, when the 
Democratic judiciary convention was held at the old Front Street 
Theatre. Judge James L. Bartol was nominated for judge of the 
Court of Appeals, Judge T. Parkin Scott for Chief Judge of the 
Supreme Bench, and Messrs. George W. Dobbin and Henry F. 
Garey for associate judges. This was the convention that nomi- 
nated I. Freeman Rasin for Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas,. 
James R. Brewer for Clerk of the Circuit Court; Andrew J, 
George for Clerk of the City Court ; Thomas Bond, Isaiah Bald- 
erston and Bolivar D. Daniels for judges of the Orphans' Court, 
and J. Harman Brown for Register of Wills. It was a fine con- 
vention. There was no boss and there was nothing cut and dried 
about it. Hot contests for all the nominations were made and the 
convention was composed of respectable, substantial citizens. The 
party was young in jx)wer, the "ring" had not then come into 
existence and it was as nearly a model political gathering as has 
ever been held in the State. There were, for instance, 24 candi- 
dates for Judge of the Orphans' Court. Rasin's opponents for 
the nomination were William H. Roberts, John H. Warner and 
Philip D. Sutton, and it took several ballots to nominate him. 
Two days later the Mayoralty convention was held and Robert T. 
Banks was unanimously nominated. 

Two weeks later — October 10 — the State convention w^as held 
in the New Assembly Rooms, Hanover and Lombard streets. 
Bowie and his friends, who had been pulling all the wires in sight 
believed they had the votes to nominate him, but feared William 
T. Hamilton, of Western Maryland, whose aggressive fight had 
weaned away from the Bowie camp some of the delegates upon 
whom the Prince George's man had been counting. Other names 
presented to the convention were John Wethered, named by Rich- 
ard Grason, of Baltimore county; Henry D. Farnandis, named by 
Stevenson Archer, of Harford county ; J. K. Longwell, of Car- 
roll county ; William T. Hamilton, of Washington county ; Walter 
Mitchell, of Charles, and Benjamin G. Harris, of St. Mary's 
county. Seven ballots were taken and the most intense excite- 
ment prevailed. The fight from the start was between Bowie 
and Hamilton, and was an exceedingly close one. The final vote 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 27 

gave Bowie 56 votes and Hamilton 55. There were iii dele- 
gates in the convention and 56 votes were necessary to nominate. 
A. P. Gorman was a delegate from Howard county to this con- 
vention. He and his colleagues were instructed for Hamilton, 
but on the final vote Mr, Gorman's colleague, James MacCubbin, 
switched his vote to Bowie and brought about his nomination. 
There was bitter disappointment among Mr. Hamilton's friends, 
and the Western Maryland delegates became even more ag- 
grieved when the convention followed this by turning down their 
candidate for Attorney-General, A. K. Syester, of Washington 
county, the warm friend, personally and politically, of Hamilton. 

This was the first convention of his party in which the late Gen- 
eral L, Victor Baughman, always an exceedingly popular and 
enthusiastic Democrat, took an active part, Mr. Baughman 
pleaded eloquently for recognition for Western Maryland, as 
he always did. Notwithstanding his fervor, Syester was turned 
down and after eleven ballots Isaac D. Jones, of Somerset county, 
was nominated. Others whose names were placed before the 
convention for the Attorney-Generalship and who received scat- 
tering votes were Charles J. M, Gwinn, Bernard Carter, ex-Gov. 
Thomas Pratt, Albert Ritchie and H. W, Archer, of Harford 
county. There was a fight, too, over the Comptrollership nom- 
ination, but this also went to the Eastern Shore, W, J, Leonard, 
of Wicomico, being named over L, L, Dirickson, of Worcester ; 
R, T, Goldsborough, of Dorchester, and Levi K. Brown, of Bal- 
timore city. The Republican convention was held the next day 
at Broadway Hall, and here Governor Swann came in for some 
vivid denunciation from his former colleagues. Ex-United States 
Senator Creswell presided, and urged a reorganization of the 
whole party. R, Stockett Matthews, one of the leading Repub- 
licans of the day, made a vehement address, and the following 
ticket was nominated by acclamation : 

For Governor — Hugh L. Bond, 

For Attorney-General— Henry L. Goldsborough, of Talbot 
county. 

For Comptroller — Frederick Schley, of Washington, 

For Clerk of the Court of Appeals — W. W. L. Seabrook, of 
Anne Arundel county. 



28 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

The Republicans followed their convention with a big meeting 
at Fayette and Holliday streets, over which Archibald Stirling 
presided and a feature of which was the advocacy by Gen. Adam 
E. King of giving the ballot to the blacks. Among the prominent 
Republicans present were William McCormick, John W. Ran- 
dolph, Jacob W. Hugg, Thomas Kelso, John J. Dobler (now 
judge), John J. Danaker, E. C. Fowler, Henry C. Dennison and 
Marcus Dennison. These were the active men in Republican 
politics in those days, and most of the men who are managing 
things now in the grand old party were too young to know any- 
thing about politics. Collector William F. Stone, the present 
party leader in the State, in those days was playing baseball and 
going to school, and Congressman Sydney E. Mudd had not even 
then reached the Democratic stage of his political career. The 
same thing is true of Mr. Thomas Parran, John B. Hanna and 
practically all of the others who are now active in the manage- 
ment of the Republican organization. The one man who stands 
out as conspicuously prominent in those days and who is still 
a big figure as a Republican, although he is far removed from 
active participation in politics, is Gen. James A. Gary, who has 
an unbroken record of more than half a century of active Repub- 
licanism. Few recollect it now, but General Gary was once a 
candidate for the State Senate against Gorman. 

The Republicans in that year made a hot but hopeless fight, 
and the Democrats on October 2^ elected Banks as Mayor and 
with him the whole city ticket — Rasin and the others. This was 
followed up two weeks later by the sweeping victory of Bowie 
and the whole State ticket from Garrett to Worcester. The Rcr 
publicans were overwhelmed, crushed, and every county, as well 
as every ward in the city, the whole State and the whole city 
government was almost solidly Democratic, the Republican of- 
ficeholder being scarcer than he has ever been since. Ferdinand 
C. Latrobe was elected for the first time to the House of Dele- 
gates. Along with him went George Colton. from Baltimore city, 
and C. Bohn SlingluflF, Charles H. Nicolai and John S. Biddison, 
grandfather of State Senator Biddison from Baltimore county. 
George Yellott was elected associate judge of the Third circuit, 
and William S. Keech defeated John T. Ensor for State's Attor- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. ,29 

ney of Baltimore county. Upon the assembling of the Demo- 
cratic cohorts at Annapolis the unanimity of the membership of 
their party in both branches and the total absence of Republicans 
in either made a caucus for organization unnecessary, and Barnes 
Compton was chosen president of the Senate, with William A. 
Stewart, of the Baltimore bar, Speaker of the House of Delegates 

At this time Swann was still Governor, but he had for months 
been building his fences for his second Senatorial fight and 
placed great reliance upon the practical pledge of support given 
him by the Democrats in the Legislature preceding this one. 
There had been up to the time the Legislature convened no talk 
of anyone but Swann for the position as successor to Reverdy 
Johnson, and Swann's final message was written in the full belief 
that he would be chosen. It was taken into the Senate by Mr. 
John M. Carter, who was his Secretary of State, and the part 
following is worthy of being remembered. 

"At the last session of the General Assembly prior to the 
adoption of the new Constitution, it was the pleasure of the rep- 
resentatives of the people to confer upon me a high Federal 
appointment. The defiant march of extreme radicalism was then 
going forward with its tramp of jubilant exultation and myster- 
ious outgivings of an approaching finale which was to inaugurate 
military rule and negro suffrage in our State, hurl from their 
places every friend of constitutional government and bring back 
the reign of terror from which we so recently emerged. Stand- 
ing at the helm of this good old State, at a period of so much anx- 
iety, the people naturally looked to their Executive for sympathy 
and counsel in the impending crisis. I had no airibition as a loyal 
citizen but to maintain constitutional liberty in all proper meas- 
ures, to serve my State and share the fortunes of her people. 
Throwing down the commission with which I was honored. I 
have remained at my post. Hunted with a venom to which the 
darkest ages of barbarism offer no parallel, I have gone on — 
I trust without faltering — to watch over your interests, to faith- 
fully execute your laws and to defend your rights as a citizen 
of this great Confederacy." 

Almost immediately after the receipt of this message by the 
Legislature the Senatorial fight began and candidates unexpect- 



30 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

edly began to crop up in all directions. Montgomery Blair, Wil- 
liam Pinkney Whyte, ex-Governor Pratt, ex-Governor Ligon 
and Reverdy Johnson all had their friends in the General Assem- 
bly and all figured in the contest. Early in the game, however, 
the formidable figure of William T. Hamilton lomed to the front. 
Turned down in the campaign just ended for the Gubernatorial 
nomination, Hamilton and his friends had been quietly but eflfect- 
ively at work and when the balloting began he showed a strength 
that dismayed and surprised the Swann forces. These fought 
with desperation and some vigorous and vehement speeches in 
behalf of the ex-Governor were made on the floor. Appeals were 
made to the gratitude of the Democratic representatives and they 
were called upon to be true to the man who had pulled their 
party out of the mire and placed it squarely upon its feet. These 
pleas, however, were in vain, and Hamilton was elected after 
several days of balloting. He was then 48 years old and had 
already served in Congress three terms_ where he had made for 
himself a reputation as one of the best informed men in the 
country upon the tariff. His election was made the cause of a 
tremendous jubilation by his friends. Wine flowed like water at 
the Old City Hotel in Annapolis, and a champagne luncheon was 
given by Syester and other of Hamilton's friends, at which 
speeches were made and congratulations showered upon the suc- 
cessful candidate. 

Swann's friends were greatly depressed over this, his second 
disappointment to land the Senatorship. and blamed his defeat 
upon the treachery of some of those upon whom he thought he 
could count. 

It was not until after Bowie had been inaugurated and had 
taken his seat, the Legislature had convened and the Senatorial 
fight ended that Mr. Garrett "got wise" to the Pennsylvania 
scheme of breaking up his Baltimore-Washington monopoly. 
\\nien he did he threw off his coat and pitched into the fight in 
earnest. The battle was over the legal construction of the "lat- 
eral" branches provision of the Baltimore and Pope's Creek 
charter and the bill which had been introduced defining this pro- 
vision so as to permit the Pennsylvania to connect with Washing- 
ton after the original road had been constructed. This bill had 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 31 

the support of Governor Bowie and the State administration. 
Mr. Garrett marshalled his forces at Annapolis and every means 
possible was employed to beat it. It finally passed through the 
House and went to the Senate, and there for days and days it 
stuck in committee. Finally it was gotten out of the committee 
and was hung up in the Senate. Governor Bowie did everything 
he could to put it through, and was vitally interested. The 
Senate split up, and extreme bitterness was engendered by the 
fight. 

One day, while the bill was still waiting its third reading. 
Governor Bowie, got a telegram from his home in Prince 
George's county, stating that his wife had given birth to a son. 
Naturally, he was agitated, but felt that he could not leave An- 
napolis until the fate of the bill had been settled. That night he 
invited several of the Senators who had been opposing the bill 
to the Government House and asked them as a personal favor 
to permit it to come to a vote on the next day stating that he 
wanted to go home and see his wife and son. Realizing that in 
the end the bill would be passed anyhow, the opposition Sena- 
tors agreed to cut the debate short, stop filibustering and let a 
vote be taken. It was taken and the bill passed. Bowie went 
down into Prince George's county to see his new-born son and 
the Pennsylvania Railroad people began immediate preparations 
for the throwing oflf of the shackles with which they had been 
bound by beginning the construction of the road to Washington. 
John W. Garrett was mad clear through, but he was helpless 
and "licked." He did not stay in that condition, however, but 
renewed the fight at the following session and succeeded in hand- 
icapping the Pennsylvania very much, although not in repealing 
their charter. 

This was not the only time the Pennsylvania bested the Balti- 
more and Ohio, although it was the only time during the reign 
of John W. Garrett. Some years later, Robert Garrett, who was 
in line to succeed his father as president and was then vice-presi- 
dent, saw an opportunity of securing control of the Philadelphia, 
Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad by the purchase of a large 
block of the stock of this road held in Boston. He had practi- 
cally completed the arrangements for purchasing this stock which 



32 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

would have given him control and have successfully bottled the 
Pennsylvania road up. He was jubilant over the prospect. The 
night before the day he intended to consummate the deal he 
entertained a number of gentlemen at dinner at the Maryland 
Club. Wine flowed freely and Mr. Garrett unwisely boasted that 
on the morrow he would have control of the Pennsylvania, Wil- 
mington and Baltimore Railroad. One of his guests, it is said, 
that night communicated with Mr. Scott then president of the 
Pennsylvania Railroad and Mr. Scott dispatched George B. Rob- 
erts, afterward president of the road, to Boston by special train. 
Mr. Roberts reached Boston and early in the morning bought 
for the Pennsylvania road the stock Mr. Garrett believed he had 
practically in his possession. Mr. Garrett's failure to secure 
control of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore and the 
Pennsylvania's success in doing so, ultimately forced the Balti- 
more and Ohio to build its own line to Philadelphia, and this, it 
is said, proved so tremendously expensive that it constituted the 
underlying cause for the financial troubles of the road that finally 
led it into the hands of the receiver. 



CHAPTER IV 



Formation of the "Ring," and the Election of Whyte as Senator. 



With Bowie as Governor, William T. Hamilton and George 
R. Vickers as United States Senators, Robert T. Banks as Mayor, 
a solid delegation in Congress, and a unanimous Legislature, the 
Democratic party at this period — 1868— of the State's history 
was in the zenith of its power. In every public position in the 
State as well as the city, excepting only the Federal offices. Dem- 
ocrats were on guard. 

The party was entrenched and impregnable. It had every- 
thing its own way. A tremendous and overwhelming majority 
of the white people of Maryland were uncompromisingly Demo- 
cratic and the opposition party was disorganized, disheartened, 
without able leaders and without the support of any considerable 
number of white citizens. The conferring of the suffrage upon 
the negroes in 1870, while it reduced later the normal Democratic 
majority by many thousands, solidified the party to an extent 
that left but little hope for an independent movement. The 
party lines were strictly drawn and the men who voted with 
absolute independence of party could almost be numbered on the 
fingers of one hand. 

At this time the late Severn Teackle Wallis. who in the fights 
to come shone conspiculously as the foremost and ablest inde- 
pendent in the State, was a regular of the regulars. Mr. Wallis 
was a unique figure in the politics of Maryland and for many 
years was a political storm center, fighting first on one side and 
then on the other. In 1875 ^^ bitterly and vehemently attacked 
the Democratic party and its leaders and in the very next cam- 
paign — two years later — joined hands with the "ring" and took 
the stump for its candidate, speaking from the same platform 
with men in denunciation of whom he had pretty nearly exhaust- 
ed the English language. 

33 



34 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

No matter which cause he championed, he brought to it a force 
and strength hard to overestimate. Brilliant, talented, witty, a 
master of satire and invective, his assaults upon the Democratic 
organization in campaign after campaign were powerful and 
effective. Many of his satirical speeches and letters were polit- 
ical epics and some of his characterizations and similes are re- 
membered to this day. It was Mr. Wallis who characterized the 
late William Pinkney Whyte as a veritable "Pecksniff of politics," 
and insisted that Mr. Whyte had to carry heavy weights in his 
pockets to keep himself from ascending to Heaven like Elijah. 
A great many people still believe that Mr. Wallis was the person 
who conferred upon Mr. Charles J. Bonaparte the title of "The 
Imperial Peacock of Park Avenue," which clung to him for so 
many years and by which he is sometimes referred to even now 
by the few who do not admire him. But this is not the fact. 
Mr. Wallis, it is true, did ocasionally say some caustic things 
concerning Mr. Bonaparte when he happened to be lined up with 
the Democrats, but as a rule he and Mr. Bonaparte were politi- 
cally together after the independent movement in the State got 
into full swing. They were both conspicuous in affairs of the 
Civil Service Reformer, a virile and spirited publication that 
existed for some years and was devoted to waging war upon the 
iniquities of the Democratic administrations. The truth is it was 
Mayor Hodges who referred to Mr. Bonaparte as an "Imperial 
Peacock," and not Mr. Wallis, this remark being made in the 
course of the very heated campaign that resulted in the election 
of Mr. Hodges. 

At the time Bowie was Governor, however, Mr. Bonaparte was 
not figuring much either in his own party or as a reformer. His 
chance did not come till later. In the year following Governor 
Bowie's election the Democrats again swept the State in the Con- 
gressional election, the successful candidates being Samuel Ham- 
bleton, from the First district; Stevenson Archer, from the Sec- 
ond district ; Thomas Swann, from the Third district ; Patrick 
Hamill, from the Fourth district, and Frederick Stone, from 
the Fifth district. The Republican candidates were Messrs. 
Henry R. Torbett, John T. Ensor, Adam E. King, Daniel Wiesel 
and William J. Albert. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 35 

Then came the campaign of 1869, when Levin Woolford, of 
Somerset county, destined to become a power in politics and 
later a member of the "Old Guard," ran as the Democratic can- 
didate for Comptroller, and in this fight Mr. Gorman first ap- 
peared before the voters of Howard county as a candidate for the 
House of Delegates. Again there was an overwhelming Demo- 
cratic victory, although not quite so pronounced as that of the 
preceding year. General Latrobe was re-elected to the House 
from Baltimore city and became Speaker of the House of Dele- 
gates at the session of 1870. Barnes Compton, the popular South- 
ern Maryland leader, was again President of the Senate, and 
Woolford was Comptroller. Sanner, Hamilton, Cooper, Morse, 
Blake, Webb, Wilson, McLane, Colton, Kirk, Collins, Ehlen, 
Gardner, Markland and Hoblitzell were some of the delegates 
from the city in that General Assembly. 

Except for the struggle between the two big railroads that 
session of the Legislature was not particularly eventful. There 
was no Senatorial fight, and Bowie was not a sensational Gov- 
ernor, taking no stand that aroused either violent condemnation 
or overwhelming praise. The administration of Governor Bowie 
however, did mark the forming of the nucleus of what afterwards 
became known as the "ring," so violently denounced by Mr. Wal- 
lis and others. Arthur P. Gorman, L Freeman Rasin, John W. 
Davis, George Colton, Michael Bannon, Jesse K. Hines and 
others began to fasten their grip upon things at Annapolis, and 
to form a combination that worked together offensively and 
defensively for many years afterward. It was only the begin- 
ning then, but it took but a few years for this combination at 
Annapolis to wax so powerful as to arouse indignation through- 
out the State. 

This session marked Mr. Gorman's debut in Maryland poli- 
tics, and he took but little part in the proceedings of the Legis- 
lature. The one thing remembered by his friends of his course 
at this session was that he did not like Governor Bowie, and in 
the whole time he was at Annapolis never put his foot in the Gov- 
ernment House. Two years after Gorman was elected to the 
House of Delegates Congressman J. F. C. Talbott made his ap' 
pearance on the political stage in his county and was nominated 



36 TUB STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

for his first office. He was a candidate for State's Attorney in 
1 87 1, and his opponents for the nomination were Col. David 
C. Mcintosh, C. Bohn SlingUiff and William S. Keech. On the 
fourth ballot in the convention at Towson Mr. Talbott was nom- 
inated. About the time of his nomination, which marked his 
first entrance into politics and started a political career that is 
without a parallel in the State, William Pinkney Whyte began 
his campaign for the Gubernatorial nomination. It was well 
known when Mr. Whyte started his fight for the Governorship 
that he had already determined to return to the United States 
Senate, and that if elected he would use the position of Governor 
as a stepping-stone. All of his friends understood this, and it 
was not a secret among the politicians. 

At this time Mr. Gorman was a warm friend of William T. 
Hamilton, then in the United States Senate, and the man whom 
Whyte hoped to succeed. Gorman only became a candidate for 
the Legislature after he lost his job as Internal Revenue Col- 
lector for the Fifth district by reason of a change in the national 
administration at Washington. He was never a friend of Bow- 
ie's, and as has been shown was a Hamilton man in the conven- 
tion of 1867. He was a strong Hamilton man when the Whyte 
campaign opened, and it was Mr. Gorman who went to Senator 
Hamilton and strongly advised him against espousing the cause 
of Whyte for the Governorship, pointing out to him that his own 
successor would be chosen in the middle of Whyte's term, and 
asserting that Whyte was beyond all question in the fight for the 
Governorship solely to gain the Senatorial toga, and would use 
his office as a stepping stone. 

Governor Bowie and James T. Clark, the president of the Ches- 
apeake and Ohio Canal Company, were the leading figures on 
the other side of the fight. Bowie was a candidate for renomi- 
nation. and Clark, using the canal company and its forces as a 
political machine, was managing his campaign. Back of them 
both was the Pennsylvania Railroad. It was really a continuation 
of the fight between the Baltimore and Ohio and the Pennsyl- 
vania. Mr. Garrett wanted to get Governor Bowie out and the 
Pennsylvania people, whose friend he had been, were equally 
anxious to keep him in. The Pennsylvania had not completed 



THE SlOni" OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 37 

its connection with Washington and was apprehensive of inter- 
ruptions to its plans. The Baltimore and Ohio still had hopes, 
with a favorable Governor, of blocking the game. The Penn- 
sylvania cars were still being hauled across town by horses, and 
the warfare between the two big corporations was at a deadly 
stage. 

Hamilton was and always had been friendly to the Baltimore 
and Ohio, and he believed Whyte to be also. Gorman again ad- 
vised him that he was making a big -political blunder in favoring 
Whyte's nomination, and warned him that if nominated and 
elected Whyte would oust him from his seat in the Senate. Ham- 
ilton, however, ignored Gorman's advice and firmly believed he 
could place Whyte under such obligations to him politically that 
he would be unable to do aught against him after his election. 
He took his stand for Whyte and it was beyond all doubt Ham- 
ilton's influence in the Democratic convention of that year that 
secured Mr. Whyte's nomination. Without Hamilton's support 
he could not have been nominated. Up to the last minute Mr. 
Gorman protested, but when the final word was said by Senator 
Hamilton he acquiesced and fell into line for Whyte. Rasin, 
who was then rapidly gaining power in Baltimore city, was always 
with Whyte, and it was Whyte's control of the city organization 
that gave him the nucleus of strength with which he made his 
fight. With the Hamilton influence for him, however, it turned 
out to be no fight at all, and he landed the nomination without 
the slightest trouble. His colleagues on the ticket were A. K. 
Syester, for Attorney-General, and Levin Woolford, for Comp- 
troller. The Republican ticket was as follows : 

For Governor — Jacob Tome, of Cecil county. 

For Attorney-General — Alexander Randall, of Anne Arun- 
del county. 

For Comptroller — Lawrence J. Brengle, of Frederick county. 

Neither convention was particularly exciting, because the 
politicians on both sides had control, and the result was a fore- 
gone conclusion. With the Republicans the question at this time 
and for some years afterwards was to induce a suitable man to 
accept the nomination, and from 1867 to 1882, they had more dif- 



38 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

ficulty in filling out their tickets with respectable men than in 
doing anything else. And they did not always succeed. 

In most of the campaigns during these years they 
nominated only partial tickets, and in a number of 
the State and municipal elections put up no candidates at all, 
realizing that there existed absolutely no prospect of winning, 
except by fusing with a dissatisfied element in the majority party. 
Sometimes they fused with the "Citizens Reform" party ; some- 
times with the "Workingman's Party," and sometimes with the 
"O. L. D.'s," or "Old Line Democrats." In fact, in this period 
so hopeless was the Republican condition that they would fuse 
with most any disgruntled element of Democrats that chose to 
put up a set of candidates, and as late as 1879 ^- Stockett Matt- 
hews, chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, at 
a meeting of that body declared that the only question before it 
was whether it was possible to get a suitable man to run for Gov- 
ernor on their ticket. Personally, Mr. Llatthews said, he had 
been unable to find one, and thought it better not to make any 
nomination unless something developed. The committee ad- 
journed then to see whether a fusion with some wing of the Dem- 
ocrats would not be possible later on. 

In the Whyte campaign Mr. Tome was the Republican victim, 
but he did not over-exert himself making a campaign. One big 
mass-meeting was held in the interests of the Democratic ticket 
at which Reverdy Johnson, S. Teackle Wallis, John W. Gar- 
rett, Robert T. Banks, W. G. Harrison, J. Hall Pleasants, John 
T. Morris and a number of other prominent party men took con- 
spicuous part. A month prior to this Joshua Vansant had been 
elected Mayor by the Democrats by more than 7,000 plurality, 
his closest opponent being Charles Dunlap, who ran upon a 
"National Reform" ticket. The total vote polled in Baltimore 
City at that election was 29,159. This is but a few thousand more 
than the total number of negro voters in Baltimore today. 

In the fall election for Governor the negroes had their first 
chance to vote for State candidates, and their ballots enabled the 
Republicans to break through the heretofore solid front of the 
Democrats in the Legislature. They carried four counties at 
this election — Anne Arundel, Calvert, Qiarles and Prince 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 39 

George's. It was in this year that Gen. A. Leo Knott, who had 
been one of the most stalwart and prominent Democrats during 
the days of oppression before the Swann administration, was 
elected State's Attorney of Baltimore city. John Lee Carroll, 
of Howard county, who later succeeded Bowie as Governor, be- 
came President of the Senate, and there were in both branches of 
the General Assembly many representative men. 

Whyte's majority was more than 15,000, and from the date 
of his inauguration with the finesse of a master he played the 
game for the Senatorship. Every appointment he made was 
with that end in view, and politically at the time he was the one 
big dominant boss of the State. He had his hold upon the city 
as well as the greater part of the country organizations, and 
when the Legislature of 1874 assembled he was unanimously 
nominated in the Democratic caucus to succeed Hamilton as 
United States Senator. Hamilton's name was not even men- 
tioned in the caucus at Annapolis, and Mr. Whyte's election was 
followd by a joyous demonstration, at which Mr. John P. Poe, 
then beginning his effective activities in the party, and a zealous 
Whyte man, made an eloquent speech. There was a general 
jubilation among Whyte's friends. Gorman's prediction had 
been fulfilled and Hamilton was hopelessly out of it. Severn 
Teackle Wallis' name was presented in the caucus, and he got 
one vote. 

It is significant to note that Mr. Wallis was one of the vice- 
presidents at the mass-meeting in 1871 that indorsed Whyte's 
candidacy for Governor. Within three years he and Mr. Whyte 
became bitter enemies and remained so as long as Mr. Wallis 
lived. They assailed each other violently from the stump, and 
their personal relations were almost as hostile as their political 
ones. 

Hamilton Avas greatly aggrieved at Whyte's course after his 
election as Governor and was his unrelenting and bitter foe from 
that time forth. One of the first things Governor Whyte did 
after he attained the Governorship was to remove James T. 
Clarke from the presidency of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal 
Company and through his control of the Board of Public Works 
substitute Mr. Gorman in his place. This weaned Gorman away 
from Hamilton and placed him in control of a most potent polit- 



40 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

ical machine, which he used with consummate adroitness and 
skill to strengthen himself throughout the State. Soon after 
his election as United States Senator Mr. Whyte resigned as 
Governor, and James Black Groome was elected by the Legisla- 
ture as his successor. With great thoughtfulness, Mr. Whyte 
carefully made all of his middle-of-the-term appointments just 
before stepping down from the Gubernatorial chair, thereby leav- 
ing his successor, Mr. Groome, nothing much to do during the 
brief remainder of his term except attend banquets and deliver 
diplomas and addresses. 

Mr. Whyte, with his election to the United States Senate, came 
into the height of his power as a leader and a boss. He had 
Rasin, Gorman and the "ring" with him, and he ran things as he 
wanted. But all the while there was smoldering a volcano which 
rumbled ominously and which long before Mr. Whyte's term in 
the Senate had expired was in full eruption. 

Right after Whyte's elevation to the Senate Hamilton, humil- 
iated, sore and revengeful, turned his attention to State politics 
and began a campaign for the Governorship and kept it up un- 
remittingly for six years before he finally landed it. The small 
band of independents that formed during the latter end of the 
Bowie administration began to grow and make themselves heard 
and felt. The absence of any serious opposition politically in 
the State had produced the inevitable result of abuses, and 
reforms were badly needed. The better element among the Dem- 
ocrats were in a rebellious mood, disgusted with the sordidness 
of political conditions and ready to do most anything except turn 
the State over to the Republicans. Hamilton stood for reform 
and better financial methods. He began his political career in 
1846, when he was elected to the House of Delegates from Wash- 
ington county. Then only 26 years old, he took a strong posi- 
tion in favor of the State paying its debts. In 1850 he was in 
Congress. He served three terms and was elected to the United 
States Senate in 1868. 

Tall, wiry, brusque, extremely lacking in tact, but with a head 
full of brains and a backbone of steel, he had a following that had 
to be reckoned with, and that, turned down twice, waxed stronger 
and stronger until his nomination for the Governorship was 
fairly forced upon the managers, and for four years they had to 



Tlin STORY OF MARYLAND TOLITICS. 41 

make the best of a Governor in whose eyes they found little 
favor and who made his appointments regardless of whether they 
pleased the leaders or not. 

True, they hobbled him a great deal by retaining control of 
the Board of Public Works, which made some of the really im- 
portant places, and of the State Senate, which was required to 
confirm all Gubernatorial appointments, but they were four fairly 
uncomfortable years for all that, and the politicians heaved sighs 
of relief when the day came for the final retirement of William 
T. Hamilton. 

At this period Gen. A. Leo Knott was one of the leading 
figures among the Democrats of the State. As a member of the 
Legislature during Governor Swann's administration, and as 
State's Attorney for Baltimore City during the Bowie adminis- 
tration, he played an important part in the stirring developments 
of the day, and the details of the redemption of the State given in 
his book covering that period are of great interest. General 
Knott was nominated and elected Secretary of the Democratic 
State Central Committee for a long time he was intimately con- 
nected with the inside history of politics. His advice was sought, 
and in those days he rendered service to his party of tremendous 
value. 

Another man who played a prominent part was James Young, 
father of ex-State Senator James Young. Mr. Young was a 
member of the Police Board appointed by Governor Swann and 
was jailed for some time during the political mix-up that followed 
the change in the board made by Swann. It was his son, the 
present ex-Senator Young, who, in his father's old printing office, 
printed the Democratic ballots the same color as the Republicans 
in the election preceding the Bowie campaign. The effective 
distribution of these tickets enabled the Conservative Democratic 
party to carry the election in the city in spite of the test oaths 
which had not been repealed. 



CHAPTER V 



The Celebrated Potato-Bug Campaign of 1875 and Its Results. 



The State campaign of 1875, which followed Whyte's election 
to the United States Senate, was beyond all question the hottest, 
the most bitter and the most memorable in the political history 
of the State. It marked the real beginning of the reform move- 
ment; it marked the beginning of the real leadership of Arthur 
P. Gorman ; it marked the formation of that class of voters who 
have since been known as independent Democrats and who have 
in increasingly large numbers, voted the Republican ticket almost 
regularly ever since. In his last political utterance made at the 
Eutaw House when Dr. Joshua W. Hering was notified of his 
last nomination, the late John P. Poe characterized these men as 
those who "so strangely insist upon wearing our colors while 
marching in the ranks of the enemy." 

It was known as the "Potato bug" campaign, and in some way 
or other the men who had revolted against the Democratic 
organization became known as "potato bugs." Just why is not 
quite clear unless the Democrats considered they were striped 
with yellow as a potato bug is. Congressman J. F. C. Talbott. 
who was a candidate for re-election as State's Attorney that year 
and suffered one of the few defeats of his political career, used to 
say, however, that it was because that summer there were in the 
county a plague of potato bugs that ate up the potato vines and 
destroyed the crop, and that it was because of their alleged 
desire to destroy the Democratic party the "independents" and 
"fusionists" in this campaign were called "potato bugs." 

Enmities were made in this campaign that lasted a lifetime. Men 
left the Democratic party who never went back to it. The fight 
bristled with violence and abuse, and charges and countercharges 
were flung right and left. It was a tempestuous, whirlwind 
struggle that stirred the State from end to end and inflicted 
wounds some of which have not healed to this day. 

42 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 43 

The most conspicuous figure in the fight, towering above and 
overshadowing his colleagues in the fusion forces, was the late 
Severn Teackle Wallis, and he it was who riddled Whyte, Car- 
roll, Gorman, Woolford, Compton and others of the organization 
leaders, denounced the lobby and the "ring" in unsparing and 
unstinted terms and was in turn denounced, challenged and 
abused. Personal conflicts occurred in a number of instances 
and feeling on both sides ran high. The State convention of 
that year was probably the most notable ever held by either party 
in Maryland. It lasted all day and all night, and it was in an 
uproar most of the time. Men who took part in it will never forget 
the scenes and the excitement of those two days. Prior to its 
meeting the campaign had waged with extreme bitterness for 
weeks. 

The Democratic aspirants for the Gubernatorial nomination 
were John Lee Carroll, of Howard county, who was then Pres- 
ident of the State Senate ; James Black Groome, of Cecil county, 
who was serving out the unexpired term as Governor of Senator 
Whyte, and William T. Hamilton, of Washington county, whom 
Whyte had ousted from his seat in the United States Senate, 
fulfilling the prediction of Mr. Gorman and making Hamilton 
his life-time enemy. Mr. Gorman himself was a candidate for 
the State Senate from Howard county to succeed Carroll. Tal- 
bott had become the leader in Baltimore county and was fighting 
to succeed himself as State's Attorney. Rasin had been re-elected 
Clerk of the Baltimore Court of Common Pleas two years before 
and was slowly but surely entrenching himself and gaining power 
in Baltimore city. Senator Isidor Rayner was just becoming 
active in politics and was beginning to be recognized as a polit- 
ical orator. Whyte, Gorman and John W. Davis, who repre- 
sented the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, were out openly for 
Carroll. "Mike" Bannon, the Anne Arundel county leader; 
Jesse K. Hines, of Kent county, then a power on the Eastern 
Shore, and others of the organization people were professedly for 
Groome, who likewise had his own county behind him. It was 
charged by Hamilton's friends that Groome was being used as 
a stalking horse and was in the field solely to get from Hamilton 



44 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

votes that could not be obtained for Carroll, only to turn them 
over to Carroll later. 

Senator Whyte, then the city boss, had swung the local leaders 
for Carroll, but that their sincerity was doubted by Carroll's 
friends was shown by the bitter assaults made upon the city or- 
ganization before the primaries, it being charged that they were 
preparing to sell Carroll out. In a card published in The Sun 
of June 26, 1875, this charge was indignantly repudiated, and 
it was asserted that an effort was being made to poison the mind 
of the public against Carroll and that this attack had emanated 
from the Hamilton camp. This card was signed by Messrs. 
Morris A. Thomas, John J. Mahon, P. A. O'Brien, John J. 
Quinn, Robert J. Slater, Harry A. Schulz, Thomas W. Campbell, 
John Cosgrove, James F. Busey, Fritz Buchheimer, F. Burgess 
Hines, Daniel Constantine, Thomas P. Kernan, and James R. 
Krager. Incidentally, it was one of the Kernans who some years 
later tried to shoot Mr. Rasin at Annapolis and was prevented 
by "Mike" Farrell, whom Mr. Rasin always regarded as having 
saved his life. 

On the night of July 20 the clans from all over the State gath- 
ered at Barnum's Hotel preparatory to the meeting of the State 
convention. All three of the candidates had suites of rooms at 
the hotel and lavishly entertained the county and city delegates. 
Hot work was done in the corridors and the lobby, and the 
excitement was at fever heat. Both sides claimed the control of 
the convention, and it was recognized that it would be a fight to 
the last ditch, no compromise being possible. 

Hamilton's friends included Gen. Joseph B. Seth, of Talbot 
county; Dr. C. R. MacGill, of Frederick; Daniel M. Henry, of 
Dorchester ; E. B. Prettyman, of Montgomery ; John Wethered, 
C. W. Rogers and others. With Groome were Henry McCul- 
lough. of Cecil ; Jesse K. Hines, Jervis Spencer, George W. T. 
Perkins and others. Most of the big politicians by this time had 
come out from "under cover" and were openly with Carroll, and 
practically all the organization leaders were in arms against Ham- 
ilton, who was crying for reform and accusing his party of giajLC 
abuses. The night before the convention met Groome, as had 
been expected, got out of the fight and his forces went bodily 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 45 

over to Carroll. The announcement of his withdrawal was pur- 
posely withheld until about 2 o'clock in the morning and then 
given out. Nor was the announcement made until Mr. Gorman 
and the man managing Carroll's fight had riveted the Groome 
delegates so they could not get away. This practically assured 
Carroll's nomination and the Hamiltonians knew it, but the thing 
was so close that they did not give up hope and, after a caucus 
at which the situation was considered and noses counted, deter- 
mined to fight until the last gasp. 

Right here is the place to state that Groome's withdrawal made 
it possible for Mr. Gorman to land the nomination for Carroll, 
and that Groome, as the price of his withdrawal, exacted of Gor- 
man a promise to make him Senator to succeed United States 
Senator George R. Dennis, who had been elected as the successor 
of Vickers. This promise Mr. Gorman kept, and Mr. Groome 
did succeed Mr. Dennis. The keeping of this promise, however, 
cost Mr. Gorman the personal and political friendship of the 
late Albert Constable. Mr, Constable and Governor Groome 
were brothers-in-law, but they were anything but friends. 
When Mr. Constable, who had always been with Mr. Gorman, 
and was then the real leader in Cecil county — neither "Charlie" 
nor Austin Crothers having then come to the front — heard that 
Gorman was for Groome, he sought out Mr. Gorman and de- 
manded to know whether it were true he proposed to make 
Groome Senator. Mr. Gorman said that he was for Groome, 
and Mr. Constable, then told Mr. Gorman that if he did make 
Groome United States Senator he (Constable) would fight him 
as long as he lived. Mr. Gonnan kept his promise to Mr. Groome 
and Mr. Constable certainly kept his to Mr. Gorman, for from 
that time until his death he was never anything but the bitterest 
kind of an anti-Gorman man. 

The convention met at the old Maryland Institute, the scene 
of so many stirring gatherings of the kind, on the morning of 
July 22. Thomas J. Keating, of Queen Anne's county, whose 
descendants in the county are now active in Democratic politics, 
called it to order, and Mr. John P. Poe, as secretary of the exe- 
cutive committee, issued tickets at the door to the delegates. 
This was the first convention of his party in which Gorman dis- 
played his real strength ; the first Democratic body in which he 



40 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

took the lead and ran to suit himself. From the very start the 
fighting began, and from the start it was Gorman who man- 
aged and manipulated the Carroll forces. He it was who moved 
the previous question when the struggle over the organization 
of the convention began, and it was he who was made chairman 
of the committee on resolutions that framed the platform. The 
charge of attempting to enforce "gag rule" was promptly hurled 
at him, but he smilingly and suavely disclaimed any such inten- 
tion, although firmly insisting upon his motion, and the test vote 
on this showed Carroll 20 votes to the good. It was Mr. Gorman 
who directed the course of the committee on credentials, and 
the unseating of the Hamilton delegates from Baltimore city by 
this committee practically made Carroll's nomination doubly sure. 
E. B. Prettyman, Hamilton's friend, then attempted to adjourn 
the convention, but Gorman quietly blocked this game and di- 
rected his energies to forcing the vote. 

Stevenson Archer, always Gorman's friend, was chosen pre- 
siding officer, and the Carroll people finally succeeded in 
fully organizing the convention. The contest over the seating 
of the Baltimore city delegation was renewed by the Hamilton- 
ians, but without avail, and after this had been finally settled 
Gorman again moved the previous question and tried to shove 
through Carroll's nomination without further delay. Then it 
was the Hamilton forces began to fight desperately and viciously 
for delay. E. B. Prettyman obtained the floor and proceeded to 
read from a manual on rules. He refused to be howled down, 
and the convention was in an uproar. The idea of the Hamilton 
leaders was by filibustering and delay to force an adjournment 
that would give them time for another assault upon the Carroll 
forces and a chance to break away some of the opposition del- 
egates. 

Confusion of the worst kind reigned, and a number of fist 
fights occured which had to be suppressed by the police. Through- 
out it all, Gorman remained quiet, cool and determined. The 
uproar and excitement had no effect upon him, and he held his 
followers in line with an iron hand. Prettyman was finallv sup- 
pressed, but at 8 o'clock that night he again obtained recogni- 
tion and again proceeded to read from his manual on rules. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 47 

ignoring all attempts to howl him down and paying no 
attention to the cat calls and insults thrown at him, A recess 
was taken and the delegates again flocked to Barnum's Hotel, 
where the excitement increased and the feeling between the two 
factions grew more intense. 

This recess was taken only when it suited Mr. Gorman's pur- 
pose to have it taken, and only after he had gotten everything 
out of the way except the nomination of the ticket. The plat- 
form had been put through, the report of the credentials com- 
mittee had been adopted and the Hamiltonians allowed to orate 
until it was thought they had exhausted themselves. At the 
night session the Hamilton leaders again sparred for time and 
Gorman calmly held his forces together unshaken by the violence 
and turmoil around him, knowing that in the end he must win 
because he had the votes. Hour after hour the conflict lasted, 
the Hamilton men fairly burning the air with denunciation and 
invective. Soon after midnight Mr. Prettyman, once more began 
to read from his manual and pandemonium broke loose. He 
persisted in the face of what was almost a riot for half an hour, 
and then, becoming exhausted, quit. At 3 A. M. John Ritchie 
moved to take a recess until 10 o'clock in the morning, threat- 
ening that if this were not done the Hamilton delegates would 
withdraw from the convention and declaring in stentorian tones 
"God help the mackerel candidate who will rot and sink by 10 
o'clock." 

At this Mr. R. R. Vandiver, of Harford county, father of Gen. 
Murray Vandiver, rose and said: "I have been a Democrat for 
25 years. I have witnessed Know-Nothing rule in Baltimore city, 
but T have never seen anything to equal the spirit of oppression 
that exists here." Mr. Vandiver was a supporter of Mr. Ham- 
ilton, and he and Mr. Ritchie were answered passionately by Mr. 
Henry E. Wootten, of Howard county, then a friend of Mr. Gor- 
man's, but later one of hfs bitterest enemies, who said: "After 
all the indulgencies that have been accorded Mr. Hamilton's 
friend, if a threat of secession is made from them, why I want 
to say, in the name of God, let them go, let them go. No band 
of disorganizers can frighten me. Nor do I intend to be cowed 
by any set of wire-pulling, disappointed politicians." 



48 THE STOHY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

By this time many of the delegates were asleep in their seats, 
but Gorman steadfastly resisted all motions to adjourn and 
finally the nominations were made. Air. Wootten named Mr. 
Carroll in a highly eulogistic speech. Mr. Ritchie nominated Mr. 
Hamilton, and Mr. William M. Knight, of Cecil county, form- 
ally withdrew Mr. Groome's name as a candidate. Carroll was 
nominated on the first ballot, getting 60 votes to 50 cast for Ham- 
ilton. Baltimore city voted solidly for Carroll. Levin Woolford 
was nominated for Comptroller and Charles J. M. Gwinn for 
Attorney-General. The convention finally adjourned just before 
daybreak, the delegates being too utterly worn out to do more 
than seek their beds. Mr. Gorman, Mr. Rasin and John J- 
Mahon walked away from the convention together. As they 
walked up the street, although it was a tremendous victory for 
Gorman and he had then become the recognized leader so far as 
the politicians were concerned, there was about him no exulta- 
tion, and he discussed the incidents of the convention almost as 
if he had been a spectator instead of a participant. The soreness 
of the Hamilton element, however, cannot be exaggerated, and 
Carroll's friends, even in their jubilation over his victory, felt 
concerned over the breach that had been made in the party and 
the bitterness engendered by the contest. 

Almost immediately the movement for the organization of an 
independent party began. Mr. Wallis had at this time broken 
with Senator Whyte, whose participation in the convention itself, 
however, was small. Mr. Whyte used to tell in his later years 
how he had been aroused in the middle of the night and had got 
out of bed at 2 o'clock in the morning to go down to the con- 
vention and assist in the nomination of Mr. Gwinn for Attorney- 
General. Mr. Gwinn was one of the most remarkable men who 
ever held ofiice in the State. A fine lawyer and a fine man, he 
was for many years Gorman's closest adviser and friend. He it 
was who wrote the Democratic State platforms year after year 
until the time of his death, when the late John P. Poe took up his 
task and ably carried it on. The death of Mr. Gwinn was a 
great blow to Mr. Gorman, and in the years that followed he 
greatly missed his counsel. 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 49 

When the first big revolt against the party formed after Car- 
roll's nomination Mr. Wallis took the lead and, with John K. 
Cowen, Henry M. Warfield, J. Morrison Harris and others, 
plans for a determined fight to defeat the "Ring" and break the 
control of the managers were made. Secret conferences were 
held in the city and the plans of the reformers were not per- 
mitted to become public until they had been practically com- 
pleted and a State-wide fight outlined. Arrangements for a 
fusion with the Republicans were entered upon, and the move- 
ment culiminated in a tremendous massmeeting on August 30 in 
the same hall where Carroll had been nominated. At this meet- 
ing Henry M. Warfield, the father of S. Davies Warfield, was 
nominated for Mayor on the "Citizens' Reform" ticket, and a 
complete city ticket nominated with him. Gen. Ferdinand C. 
Latrobe was the regular Democratic Mayoralty candidate, this 
being the first of his many nominations for this office. A mass- 
meeting in his interest held on October 8 was characterized by 
speeches by Senator Whyte, Barnes Compton, Isidor Rayner 
and others. It was this speech of Mr. Rayner's that first es- 
tablished his reputation as a political orator. 

Soon after this Mr. Wallis in an open letter flayed the Demo- 
cratic leaders and John Lee Carroll in what was the most sen- 
sational political publication for years. He singled out lobbyists 
and called them by name. He charged that Carroll had been 
nominated by them for their own purposes, and he pitched into 
Whyte, Gorman, Woolford, Davis and others at a terrific rate. 
His arraignment of Mr. Whyte was a powerful one. "I know," 
he said, "that the common run of men sin ninety and nine times 
daily, whereas hardly a day passes that Mr. Whyte does not find 
himself compelled, like Mr. Pecksniff, to lay sudden hold on 
something heavy to prevent himself from ascending to Heaven." 

Governor Carroll, a high-toned, high-spirited, honorable man 
who made a fine Governor, in an open letter indignantly hurled 
back the charges and innuendoes of the Wallis letter and called 
Mr. Wallis a slanderer, and intimated that he was a coward. Mr. 
Wallis made a heated rejoinder, and the interchange was a spec- 
tacular one. In October Latrobe defeated Warfield for the May- 
oralty by a decisive majority. A contest upon the ground of 



50 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

fraud was instituted, and there was a tremendous howl of protest, 
but this did not change the result, and the politicians were soon 
in the swing of the State fight. About this time the independents 
nominated their State ticket, as follows : 

For Governor — J. Morrison Harris. 

P^or Attorney-General — S. Teackle Wallis. 

For Comptroller — Edward Wilkens. 

The Republicans held their State convention at Westminster, 
but made no nominations, contenting themselves with an in- 
dorsement of the "Citizens' Reform" candidates and platform. 
The independent movement spread rapidly through the counties. 
Out in Howard Senator Gorman had a hard fight, and there was 
a fusion candidate against him— Mr. Henry O. Devries. Mr. 
Talbott had a stiff fight on his hands in Baltimore county, where 
the independent movement was particularly strong. John J. 
Donaldson, Alexander H. Robertson, Albert Constable, Edward 
Lloyd and many other well-known men were candidates for the 
Legislature in that campaign. 

The strength of the revolt had forced the Democratic managers 
to put good men on the legislative ticket wherever they could find 
them, as the "Citizens' Reform" candidates were, as a rule, made 
up of high-class men. After the nomination of the full fusion 
ticket the fight got even more fierce. The big business men and 
lawyers of the city, such as Joshua and Eugene Levering, W. W. 
Spence, T. Wallis Blackistone and hundreds of others joined in 
the independent movement, and the Democrats were thoroughly 
frightened and were fighting for their lives. Hamilton and his 
friends in Western Maryland were, to put it mildly, indifferent 
to the success of the ticket, as evidenced by the fact that Wash- 
ington county — then Democratic to the core — went overwhelm- 
ingly against Carroll. John Gill, John P. Poe and Harry Welles 
Rusk were among the candidates on the regular ticket for the 
House of Delegates in the city, and no stone was left unturned 
to win. 

It has always been claimed and believed by a great many peo- 
ple that Carroll was not really elected, but counted in. Stories 
of stuffed ballot boxes and fraudulent votes, repeaters, trickery 
and violence have been told without number. The election, be- 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 51 

yond question, was a turbulent and disorderly one. There were 
fist fights without end, firearms were used in many cases, blood 
was shed, and there were many arrests. There is one story that 
in the city a band of heelers smeared red ink or something else to 
represent blood over their faces and clothes and went from polling- 
place to polling place with their pistols displayed to scare the ne- 
groes away from the polls and prevent their voting. Other stories 
of "roughing" the city were told, and are told today, but for the 
truth of these it is impossible to vouch. After the polls closed in 
Howard county, and Mr. Gorman satisfied himself he had carried 
his county for the Senate he came to Baltimore from Ellicott City 
and found Mr. Rasin, John Mahon, Slater and others of the city 
leaders in Rasin's office in the Courthouse. ''We are licked," 
was the cry with which he was greeted, and a panic seemed to 
have seized the local leaders. Mr. Gorman put some nerve into 
the crowd and when the returns, belated for hours, began to come 
in from the Democratic strongholds, their confidence returned 
and it was realized that the city and State had been carried by a 
big majority. 

It was an epoch-making battle and it taught the Democratic 

leaders a lesson, the gist of which was, notwithstanding their 

victory and their big normal majority in the State, they could 

not ride roughshod over the better element, and that there is a 

limit to what the people will stand. 

From this point on until the day of his death, however, Mr. 
Gorman was the State leader, and his hold on the organization 
of the party and its loyalty to him never relaxed. Whyte was 
still in the Senate, and it was several years before he fully real- 
ized the extent of Gorman's control and power, and when the 
realization finally did come to him Gorman had ousted him just 
as Whyte had outsed Hamilton. As Hamilton never forgave 
Whyte, so did Whyte never forgive Gorman. On the day after 
Senator Gorman died Mr. Whyte was asked by the writer for 
some expression for publication as to Mr. Gorman, the man. Mr. 
Whyte asked to be excused, saying: "I never said anything good 
about him while he lived. I cannot say anything now. I do not 
want to be a hypocrite. Just do not say you saw me at all." 



52 THE STORY OF MAUYLAND POLITICS. 

Probably what rankled with Mr. Whyte more than anything 
else when the time came and Gorman did succeed him in the 
United States Senate was the fact that it was he himself who 
had placed in Mr. Gorman's hands the means to gain the power 
he wielded, this being when he made him president of the Chesa- 
peake and Ohio Canal. It was the power thus given him, which 
Mr. Gorman wielded with a skill few men possess, building up a 
machine of tremendous strength and marvelous durability and 
binding to him the leading men of politics throughout the State, 
that made it possible for him to beat Mr. Whyte. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Cleveland's Liking for Rasin and Rasin's Attitude Toward 

Gorman. 



The first Legislature following the election of Carroll — 1876 — 
was a tempestuous but really uneventful one. Mr. Gorman, after 
having served two terms in the House of Delegates, one as 
Speaker, was now in the Senate, and that Legislature was the 
first in which his control as the State leader was paramount. At 
this time Edwin Warfield was Register of Wills of Howard 
county, and he and Mr. Gorman were close personal and political 
friends. At this time Gorman had no warmer friends than the 
Warfields and the Watkins'. Thomas H. Hunt was another ard- 
ent Gorman man, as was Mr. Henry Wooten, later one of his bit- 
terest enemies. The break between Mr. Gorman and Mr. Wooten 
was caused, it is said, by the activities of the late Eugene Higgins 
in Howard county. Mr. Wooten held Mr. Gorman responsible 
for what he claimed Higgins did, and fought him violently there- 
after. 

Still another hot Howard county Democrat in these days was 
the Hon. George Dorsey Day, who has for so many years now 
been an earnest follower and friend of Congressman Sydney E. 
Mudd. Not many persons will believe it now — probably, he has 
forgotten it himself — but Mr. Day was a hot Democrat in those 
days, as were also a few other Republicans now prominent in 
their party. 

Up in Frederick county L. Victor Baughman was reaching for 
the Western Maryland leadership, and in the Carroll convention, 
although a Hamilton man, he made a conciliatory speech which 
placed him in a good position with the administration — so good, 
in fact, that Governor Carroll made him a colonel on his staff, 
which was the title by which his thousands of friends throughout 
Maryland affectionately knew him. In Southern Maryland 
Barnes Compton was the principal figure, while on the Eastern 

5.3 



54 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Shore Jesse K. Hines, a brother-in-law of Marion de Kalb Smith, 
of Kent county, was a recognized power. 

John Walter Smith, then an exceedingly young man, was just 
beginning his activities in politics in Worcester county, but did 
not become known outside of the county for some years after 
this. For a long time he ran the county with men much older 
than himself, like Dr. George W. Bishop, George W. Covington 
and Clayton J. Purnell, until one by one they dropped out, and he 
finally took complete control when he defeated Covington 
in what was the hottest and bitterest primary fight ever 
held in Worcester county. This fight occurred in 1890, just 
prior to the election of "Charlie" Gibson to the United States 
Senate to fill the vacancy caused by the death of E. K. Wilson, 
and Smith's victory in the primaries crushed forever the hopes 
of Covington of landing this prize for which he was undoubtedly 
a candidate. It also established Smith as the undisputed county 
leader, and as such he has remained. Since then his political 
career has been one of rapid and successful rise, until today he 
has achieved his political ambition, holding both a seat in the 
United States Senate and the State leadership in his party. A 
good many different reasons have been given for Senator Smith's 
political success, but back of them all are his absolute loyalty to 
his friends, his straight dealing and straight thinking, and the 
lovableness of the man himself. Those who are his friends stick 
by him to the last ditch. He is a living example that honesty and 
truthfulness pay in politics as in everything else. When he is on 
the crest of the wave they are his friends, and when he is down 
in the ditch of defeat they are still his friends, as witness the 
four-year period between his defeat by Mr. Rayner in 1904 and 
his election to the United States Senate in 1908. 

That defeat was the only one in his career and it forms one of 
the most interesting stories in the whole history of Maryland 
politics. There are three ways of telling it — one the way Mr. 
Rasin used to tell it ; another the way the Gorman men who 
stuck by Bernard Carter told it, and the third the way the Smith 
people told it. There are also some salient features not touched 
upon in any of these versions, and in a subsequent chapter an 
effort will be made to give the real story. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 35 

After the Rayner election there was never anything like real 
confidence between Mr. Gorman and Mr. Rasin. Mr. Gorman 
did not trust the "Old Man" and the "Old Man" knew it and he 
did considerable quiet knocking of his long-time friend between 
that period and his death. 

"Gorman has been so long over there in Washington that he 
is out of touch with the people," he used to say. 

That he was against the Poe suffrage amendment is a cer- 
tainty, although he played the game both ways and deceived Mr. 
Gorman as to his real attitude up to the last minute. Mr. Rasin 
told "Dan" Loden to go out and be for the amendment, and on 
the same day, or the next day, he told "Bill" Garland to go out 
and be against it. Loden's club — the Concord Club — promptly 
indorsed the amendment, while a week later Garland's club — the 
Third Ward Democratic Club — passed resolutions condemning 
it. Mr. Rasin tipped the action of the Garland club the day be- 
fore to the writer, who was then a reporter for The Sun, in order 
to get it in the paper. Afterward Mr. Rasin told Mr. Gorman 
and others he could not control Garland. 

"I can't do a thing with the d fellow," he said. "He has 

gone crazy." 

He also said many bitter things in the course of this campaign 
about State's Attorney Albert S. J. Owens, who, in opposing the 
amendment, was doing the very thing the "Old Man" wanted. 

Mr. Rasin had a habit of referring to Mr. Gorman as "The 
State crowd," an-d of calling himself "The City people." "This 
State crowd," he would say in that campaign, "is trying to make 
the City people stand the brunt of this fight, and the rank and 
file are kicking all over town. Understand?" 

About the middle of that August, 1905, Mr. Rasin, with his 
son, Carroll W. Rasin, as was his yearly custom, went to Sara- 
toga. The newspapers all had it that the purpose of his visit 
was to see Mr. Gorman and that they were to agree as to the 
method of making the amendment fight. This is what really 
happened: Mr. Rasin and his son went to the Grand Central 
Hotel, where the writer was staying. Every morning Mr. Rasin 
sent Carroll up to the United States Hotel, where Gorman always 
stopped, to see whether he had arrived. After about a week of 



56 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

this one morning Carroll returned and told his father, who was 
sitting on the porch: "Senator Gorman has registered, father. 
He got in last night." Mr. Rasin jumped up from his seat. 
"Come on, Carroll. We are going home," he said, walking rap- 
idly inside. Within half an hour he had packed his trunks, paid 
his bill and was on his way out of the hotel. Just at the entrance 
he ran directly into Mr. Gorman. "Hello," said the latter, "I 
was just coming to see you. Where are you going?" 

"Got to go home," said Mr, Rasin. "Been here for a week and 
can't stay any longer. On my way to the train now. If I had 
known you were coming I would have stayed over." Mr. Gor- 
man turned around and he and Mr. Rasin walked to the train 
together. Mr. Rasin afterward admitted he had gone to Sara- 
toga a week earlier than usual expressly to avoid Mr. Gorman, 
whom he was afraid would tie him up for the amendment before 
he was ready. Later Mr. Gorman came back to Baltimore, and 
before the campaign ended Mr. Rasin came out in a short inter- 
view for the amendment, but he knifed it underneath just the 
same. 

This was not the first time Mr. Rasin deliberately broke away 
from Mr. Gorman and took his own head. There is that historic 
incident when he interfered with Mr. Gorman's Presidential as- 
pirations by sticking to Mr. Cleveland in the national campaign 
of 1892 and swinging the city delegates from Maryland for him, 
notwithstanding the fact that Mr. Gorman was almost openly a 
candidate and the Maryland delegation had along with it a trunk- 
ful of Gorman buttons. Because of the attitude of Mr. Rasin 
these buttons never saw the light of day, and what eventually 
became of them is still a mystery. 

John J. Mahon tells this story of Mr. Rasin's attitude in this 
campaign: He said he and Mr. Rasin were at the Washington 
home of Mr. Gorman just prior to the convention, and were 
discussing the attitude of the delegation. After some talk Mr. 
Gorman, according to Mr. Mahon, said to Mr. Rasin: "Free- 
man, why not send the city delegates out there for me?" Mr. 
Rasin turned to Mr. Mahon and said: "John, did you see that 
man for me yesterday?" and then started in to talk about some- 
thing wholly diflFerent before Mr. Mahon could answer. He 
never did answer Mr. Gorman's question, and Mr. Gorman looked 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 37 

at him and did not repeat it. After they left Mr. Gorman, and 
were on their way back to Baltimore, Mr. Mahon said to Mr. 
Rasin : "Look here, Mr. Rasin, why didn't you answer Senator 
Gorman's question?" 

"What question?" said Mr. Rasin. 

"Why, when he asked you about sending the city delegates 
out to Chicago for him," said Mr. Mahon. 

"Didn't hear him," was the reply, and Mr. Mahon says that 
was all Mr. Rasin ever did say on the subject, but the city dele- 
gates went out for Cleveland. 

Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Rasin were always friends and while 
Cleveland was President he frequently consulted Rasin on politi- 
cal matters and Rasin was a frequent visitor to the White House. 
An instance of the closeness of their relations is given in the fol- 
lowing letter, which is now in the possession of the Rasin family : 

Executive Mansion, 

Washington, Dec. ii, 1894. 

[ConMentiaL] 

Hon. I. Freeman Rasin: 

Dear Sir — Mr. C. Morton Stewart is very much inter- 
ested in a man named Jervis Spencer and has repeatedly 
asked me to appoint him to a small consular position. My 
sympathy is considerably aroused by what I have heard 
of Mr. Spencer's situation and I would like to please Mr. 
Stewart. I understand that Mr. Spencer is competent to 
fill such a place as I might possibly give him. If you 
know this, will you please let me know what you would 
think of his appointment to a place not involving very 
delicate or responsible duties? 

Can you not send me a telegram signed "R." as soon 
as possible after the receipt of this, indicating whether 
you think well of it or not? Yours truly, 

Grover Cleveland. 
This letter is in Mr. Cleveland's own handwriting and was one 
of a number of personal, confidential communications that passed 
between the two men. Mr. Cleveland would have at one time 



58 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

appointed Mr. Rasin to the consulship at Berlin had he been 
willing to take it. 

Although these doings are far removed from the Legislature 
of 1876, the story of the nomination of Mr. John K. Cowen and 
Cleveland's part in it may as well be told here. The man who really 
brought this nomination about was Mr. S. Davies Warfield, who 
was Mr. Cowen's warm and close friend, personally and politic- 
ally. Mr. Warfield is said to regard the feat of getting Mr. Rasin 
to nominate Mr. Cowen for Congress a few months after Mr. 
Cowen had, from the stump denounced Mr. Rasin in unsparing 
terms, as about the smoothest piece of politics he ever played. 
Mr. Warfield was also a friend of Mr. Cleveland, under whom 
he served as Postmaster, and who thought a great deal of him. 
Mr. Cowen had been for some years pitching into Mr. Gorman 
and Mr. Rasin, particularly Mr. Rasin, but there came a time 
when he wanted to go to Congress. He could not go to Con- 
gress without being nominated first, and he could not be nomi- 
nated unless Mr. Rasin said so. A few months before he had 
publicly said Mr. Rasin ought to be in the penitentiary. Mr. 
Warfield went to President Cleveland about Cowen's nomination, 
and induced Mr. Cleveland to send for Mr. Rasin to come to his 
summer home at Buzzard's Bay. Mr. Rasin went, and Mr. 
Cleveland asked him to nominate Cowen. Mr. Rasin came back 
and reluctantly gave the word for Cowen, and he was nominated 
and elected from a district in which he not even lived. He, how- 
ever, was in Congress scarcely more than a day, as he had no 
sooner taken his seat, than he was chosen receiver for the Balti- 
more and Ohio Railroad, and did not go back to Washington 
during his entire term. 

All of this, however, is wide from the mark of the Legislature 
of 1876, and is getting far ahead of the story. In that Gen- 
eral Assembly were a number of reformers and able men. 
John J. Donaldson, Alexander Robertson and many others were 
there and helped make things lively. The Republicans and the 
Fusionists rang the changes on the charges of fraud and a con- 

rst against Carroll was instituted, which, while giving oppor- 
tunity for fiery and eloquent speeches, amounted to nothing in 
the end. Daniel Fields, of Caroline County, was President of 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 59 

the Senate, and Louis C. Smith, of Washington county, was 
Speaker of the House. "Mike" Bannon represented Anne Arun- 
del county in the Senate and Barnes Compton, a loyal Gormanite, 
was re-elected treasurer. No United States Senator was chosen 
at this session, and after the first furore of the campaign had 
subsided things went along smoothly. Carroll made a dignified 
Governor, and the immediate bitterness engendered by the fight 
over his nomination and election died out. In the fall follow- 
ing — 1876 — the Presidential campaign opened with Hayes and 
Tilden as the candidates for the Presidency. Once more the 
Democrats swept the State, giving Tilden nearly 20,000 majority, 
and electing all six of their Congressional candidates, as follows : 

First District — Daniel M. Henry. 

Second — Charles B. Roberts. 

Third — William Kimmell. 

Fourth — Thomas Swann. 

Fifth— Eli J. Henkle. 

Sixth— William Walsh. 

The Republican Congressional candidates were Thomas A. 
Spence, J. Morrison Harris, W. W. Goldsborough, Dr. J. H. 
Butler, J. H. Sellman and Louis E. McComas. This was the 
first campaign in which the late Louis E. McComas figured. It 
was his first race for Congress, and he was defeated. He later 
developed a political career that so far as continuous officehold- 
ing is concerned eclipsed that of any other Republican in the 
State. In this fight, too, ex-Governor Swann, disappointed in his 
Senatorial aspirations, allowed himself to be again named by the 
Democrats in the Third district, and served several terms in Con- 
gress. 

The next political mile post was the municipal campaign of 
1877, which in some respects differs from any other ever waged 
in the city, and was marked by some significant and strange fea- 
tures. Gen. F. C. Latrobe had been Mayor for two years, but 
had fallen out with the local leaders, including Rasin, because of 
his move in abolishing the "Old City Yard," a nest for political 
hangers-on who fattened upon the city. The abolition of this 
yard was one of the best things for the city Latrobe ever did, but 
It threw out in the cold any number of political "dead ones," 



60 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

and earned for him the temporary hatred of the politicians. He- 
was a candidate for renomination and made his fight in the prim- 
aries, but was overwhelmingly defeated by the organization, whO' 
put up Col. George P. Kane. 

Colonel Kane had voted for Mr. Henry M. Warfield, the in- 
dependent candidate in the 1875 campaign, and was not particu- 
larly liked by the local politicians. These, however, believed that 
under the circumstances it was necessary to "perfume" — a Rasin 
expression — the Democratic ticket, and Kane was selected as the 
proper man to furnish the perfumery. The independent move- 
ment against the organization again loomed to the front, and 
Mr, Warfield once more became the candidate of the Fusion 
party, the Republicans making no nominations. Warfield was 
nominated at a big massmeeting held on September 6, and in his 
speech of acceptance referred to the nomination of Col. Kane in 
this way: 

"The Democratic party wanted a figurehead, the more popu- 
lar the better, and Col. Kane has been put to the front of these 
political abuses as if with his stalwart frame and broad skirts 
he could hide the sight and stifle the stench of the corruption that 
lurks and works behind him." 

This will give an idea of the character of campaign made by 
the reformers. William Reynolds, James C. Fenhagen, William 
J. Hooper, Joshua and Eugene Levering, Otto Duker, Evan 
Poultney, Charles A. Oudesluys, Joseph Wallace, William H. 
Ryan, R. M. Polk, Benjamin F. Gould, David Morrow, David S. 
Briscoe and many other prominent citizens of Baltimore flocked 
to the support of Mr. Warfield, but he lost his most influential 
and conspicuous friend, for, strange to say, S. Teackle Wallis, 
the chief figure in the 1875 reform fight, and the man who merci- 
lessly flayed the organization and assaulted the leaders, arrayed 
himself this time on the side of the ring and supported Colonel 
Kane with as much vigor and fire as he had opposed Carroll and 
Latrobe. Mr. Wallis has often been severely criticised for this 
sudden change of front, and he never did wholly explain it. Gen- 
eral Latrobe, who was never an admirer of Mr. Wallis, used to 
say that his flop over to the organization was solely due to his per- 
sonal friendship for Colonel Kane, and that the knowledge that 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 61 

Kane's nomination would gag Wallis was one of the reasons 
the organization selected him. 

Just about this stage of the game there came a new and un- 
expected development. A "Workingman's party" was organized 
by a number of citizens not satisfied with the nomination of either 
Kane or Warfield, and this new party developed a sudden and 
surprising strength. Several tremendous meetings were held, 
and it finally nominated as its candidate for Mayor one Joseph 
Thompson, a blacksmith, and with him a full city ticket. The 
three-cornered fight was a hot one. There were good politicians 
engaged in the management of all three campaigns and excite- 
ment ran high. The blacksmith candidate made a whirlwind 
campaign, speaking in every ward and arousing a sentiment that 
frightened the organization leaders badly. On October ii a big 
massmeeting in the interests of Kane and the Democratic ticket 
was held in the old Masonic Temple at which Mr. Wallis was 
the star speaker. He declared he had no apologies to make for 
his change of heart and emphatically denied that he returned to 
the fold as a repentant sinner. He said that Mr. Warfield was 
all right in his way, but quite mistaken, and that the election of 
Kane was imperatively demanded by the people. William A. 
Fisher and Robert M. McLane also made speeches for the Demo- 
cratic ticket. 

A week later William T. Hamilton, who from the day of his 
defeat in the Carroll convention had been engaged in strength- 
ening his fences for the next fight, made a vigorous speech for 
the city ticket, with Senator Blackburn, of Kentucky, as an added 
attraction, the local leaders being so unnerved by the fight put up 
by Thompson that they deemed it wise to call in help from out- 
side the State so as to arouse enthusiasm in the Democratic 
rank and file. The election was held on October 24. Kane, ac- 
cording to the returns, was elected by a plurality of 15,821. War- 
field ran a bad third, receiving a beggarly support of only 536 
votes, while Thompson polled 17,367. There was no Republican 
candidate and the fight in its last stages was wholly between Kane 
and Thompson. Warfield and his friends made a lot of noise and 
furnished the brains and weapons with which the organization 
was assaulted, but the strength lay with Thompson. 



62 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Any old politician who took part in that fight will tell you today 
that Thompson was elected, if he cares to tell you the truth. 
Almost immediately the charge of having counted Thompson 
ballots for Kane was made and generally believed. There seems 
to be no doubt that this was done, to some extent, anyway. 
Thompson and his friends asserted that all over town his votes 
by the wholesale had been counted for Colonel Kane. The 
blacksmith candidate, however, said he had no money w'ith which 
to make a contest, and that he would never again be a candidate 
for office. During the campaign he was known from one end of 
the city to the other as "Honest Joe" Thompson. Soon after 
the election he was given a position as deputy clerk in the office 
of the Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas under Mr. Rasin, and 
thereafter was called by many "Ex-Honest Joe" Thompson. 

It was at this election that the late Henry C. Fledderman, the 
registration expert, and for many years the leader of the Fourth 
ward, was elected to the City Council. The entire Council in 
both its branches was Democratic. John J. Mahon, who at this 
time had become a formidable factor in his ward, right after 
the inauguration of Kane secured the position of messenger to 
the Mayor. Colonel Kane died about one year after he had taken 
his seat, and General Latrobe, who by this time had made his 
peace with the organization, was nominated without opposition in 
the primaries and elected at a special election to fill out the un- 
expired term. Prior to obtaining his place as messenger to the 
Mayor John Mahon had been a clerk in the tobacco warehouse 
and doorkeeper of the City Council. Latrobe would have con- 
tinued him as his messenger but Mahon, at this time, saw an 
opportunity to get the nomination for the First Branch City 
Council from his own ward and resigned. He was nominated 
and elected and served several terms. 



CHAPTER VH. 



The "Old Guard" and Its Power — The Break Between Gorman 

and Whyte. 



It was about 1878— that, with Senator Gorman at its head, the 
"Old State Guard" was formed. The "Old Guard" was com- 
posed of seven men, each of whom left his mark upon Mary- 
land politics, some to a far greater extent than others, but every- 
one of them in a way not to be soon forgotten. There was Ar- 
thur P. Gorman, its chieftain and commander ; I. Freeman Rasin, 
the crafty and powerful leader of Baltimore City; Jesse K. 
Hines, noted not only for his daring and courage, but especially 
for his unerring judgment of men, for which he was particularly 
utilized ; Levin W. Woolford, of Somerset county, repeatedly 
nominated and elected Comptroller and a veritable political fox ; 
Michael Bannon, of Anne Arundel county, the impersonation of 
force and a sort of political pile-driver in carrying through the 
measures of the ring; George Colton, clever, plausible and casu- 
istical as a writer and apologist, and John W. Davis, whose con- 
nection with the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad gave him a fac- 
titious power and effectiveness in the general political game in 
Baltimore city and on the Western Shore. 

These were the men who clung to Mr. Gorman and under his 
guidance ran the machine, even while William Pinkney Whyte, 
with his seat in the United States Senate, and his habit of being 
the boss, still thought he was running it. No stronger or more 
exclusive political combination has existed in any State. From 
its formation, for more than a generation, it held the absolute 
control of the situation, holding fast its grip under the strain of 
many fierce assaults and passing through many a bitter battle, 
scarred but victorious. Death and death alone broke the power 
of this combination, and the passing of Mr. Rasin, still with his 
grip upon things and the undisputed boss of his party organiza- 
tion in the city, removed the last remnant of the "Old Guard," 
and brought about a new deal. He outlived them all, and in the 

63 



64 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

last few years of his life he felt his isolation keenly. Gorman's 
death shook him greatly, and from that time until he died himself 
he used frequently to refer to the fact that he was the last of the 
"Old Guard" and that soon he would be gone. 

Prior to the election of Latrobe, after the death of Colonel 
Kane in 1877, the State conventions of the two parties were held 
and candidates for Comptroller and for the Legislature named. 
The Democratic candidate for Comptroller was again Thomas 
J. Keating, while the Republicans nominated Dr. Gabriel Ellis 
Porter. William Pinkney Whyte presided over the Democratic 
convention, and Meyer J. Block, now judge of the Orphans' 
Court, acted as sergeant-at-arms, with the late Morris A. Thomas 
as secretary. Joshua Vansant, who had been chairman of the 
Democratic State Central Committee for 16 years, called the 
gathering to order. At this time Gorman and Rasin had effected 
their political alliance, and were the two biggest factors, then as 
afterward, in the "Old Guard." Gorman was in reality the State 
leader, although Senator Whyte had not begun to suspect it, and 
believed at the time that he held the control himself, and that Gor- 
man was with him. Rasin had gained great strength in the city, 
and although he had not then crushed out all of his rivals, such 
as Robert J. Slater and J. Frank Morrison, he was by far the 
strongest of the local leaders. 

The convention was well managed, and there was much enthu- 
siasm and no friction. Among the candidates for the State Sen- 
ate on the ticket in this campaign were Robert M. McLane, of 
Baltimore, grandfather of the late Mayor McLane ; George Peter, 
of Montgomery county; Herman Stump, of Harford county; 
Charles B. Calvert, of Prince George's county; Edward Lloyd, 
later Governor, of Talbot; and Littleton P. Franklin, of Wor- 
cester. United States Senator Isidor Rayner was on the legis- 
lative ticket from the city, this being the first time he ever ran 
before the people for an office, although he had been active as a 
speaker in Democratic campaigns for some years. Thomas B. 
McCosker, Eugene Higgins, B. L. Harig and Thomas P. Kernan 
were among his colleagues on the House of Delegates ticket. Ex- 
Governor Edwin Warfield had become a member of the State 
Central Committee from Howard county, his colleagues being 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 65 

Thomas H. Hunt and John R. Clark. The late General L. Victor 
Baughman was a candidate for the House of Delegates from 
Frederick county, where he had now becorhe the practical leader. 
The Democrats were on their good behavior, and Mr. Wallis, 
who was still with them, was led to the front and conspicuously 
shown on all occasions. He acted as vice-president at the ratifi- 
cation meeting, at which Mr. Whyte presided, and at which Philip 
Francis Thomas, Charles J. M. Gwinn and others spoke. 

In Carroll county ex-Governor Frank Brown and Mr. T. Her- 
bert Shriver had been nominated for the House of Delegates. 
Murray Vandiver was on the ticket in Harford, and Montgomery 
Blair had been named in Montgomery county. Samuel K. Den- 
nis, father of Samuel K. Dennis, the secretary of Senator Smith 
and William Sydney Wilson were the candidates in Worcester, 
and John S. Tracey and H. H. Tyson in Howard. Among the 
hold-over Democratic Senators besides Mr. Gorman were E. W. 
Freeman, of Baltimore County ; James A. Cooper and E. T. Joyce 
of Baltimore city; Thomas Humphreys, of Wicomico, and J. F. 
Lee, of Carroll. 

The Workingmen's party again named a complete ticket, but 
the Democrats won easily and obtained complete control, as usual, 
of both branches of the General Assembly. This was the year 
when a good many of the men prominent in the party today, such 
as Frank Brown, Vandiver, Rayner, T. Herbert Shriver and oth- 
ers made their first appearance on the political stage and were 
elected to their first ofifice. 

The Legislature that followed — 1878 — was chiefly noteworthy 
for the fact that it saw the consummation of the deal between 
Mr. Gorman and James Black Groome, made at the nom- 
inating convention by which Groome got out of the field as a Gu- 
bernatorial candidate with the understanding that he would re.- 
ceive the support of Mr. Gorman for the United States Senate, 
when Senator Dennis' term expired. As has been stated Mr. 
Gorman carried out his part of the deal. Senator Dennis was 
"thrown down" and Mr. Groome elected in his place after a 
bitter fight. 

Senator Dennis had been elected six years before as the suc- 
cessor of Senator Vickers, of Kent county. His successor was 



66 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

bound to come from one of the nine Eastern Shore counties, be- 
cause of the law that had been on the statute books since 1804, 
providing that this section of the State should always have at 
least one member of the United States Senate from Maryland. 
Senator William Pinkney Whyte, who was Dennis' colleague in 
the Senate, was for him, but Gorman was for Groome, and had 
been for Groome all along. So was Rasin. So were Hines, 
Davis, Bannon, Colton and other members of the ''Old Guard," 
some of them openly for him and some "under cover." It was 
a stiff fight, lasting a number of days, and there were numerous 
candidates. Among those voted for at the time besides Sena- 
tor Dennis and Mr. Groome were Philip Francis Thomas, J. A. 
Wickes, Judge E. K. Wilson, afterward Senator; Judge James 
M, Robinson, Samuel Hambleton, Frederick Stump, Robert M. 
McLane, Montgomery Blair and E. B. Prettyman. Some of 
these were used by the manipulators as "stalking horses," "pace- 
makers" and blinds, while others were bona fide candidates. 

The Republicans concentrated their votes upon Louis H. 
Steiner, although Gen. James A. Gary, then very popular in his 
party, received a scattering complimentary vote. 

Senator Dennis and his friends made a valiant fight, but they 
did not have the votes. Nor did Senator Whyte, his friend, 
have the control he thought he had when it came to a "show 
down." Once or twice in the long-drawn-out struggle Dennis 
had victory almost in his grasp only to be foiled by the treachery 
of Eastern Shore Delegates supposed to be his friends. The 
"favorite son" game was worked most beautifully by Senator 
Gorman and Mr. Dennis' strength, which would have been 
solidly for him in an Eastern Shore caucus, was kept divided by 
this device, so that while a majority of the Eastern Shore Del- 
egates wanted him he never was able to muster that majority in 
the caucus. With the backing of eight of the nine Eastern Shore 
counties there would have been no question as to his success, but 
the favorite sons prevented the lining up of the eight counties 
that had been counted upon, and strung the fight out day after day 
while they undermined Senator Dennis in the house of his friends. 
When the fight he was making finally appeared hopeless Senator 
Dennis had his name withdrawn in the caucus and his friends 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 6T 

tried to swing their strength to Judge J. M. Robinson, who 
had been in the field all along. This attempt, however, came too 
late, and Gorman, swinging his forces into a solid line, forced 
through the nomination of Groome in the caucus. Groome's 
election followed the next day, and Gorman had paid the polit- 
ical debt contracted when Carroll was nominated. 

In the Congressional election of the fall following the Dem- 
ocrats for the first time since the Bowie election, when the 
party was placed squarely on its feet, failed to send a united 
Democratic delegation to the House of Representatives. This 
was the year 1878, when Congressman J. F. C. Talbott began 
his Congressional career. After having served his term as State's 
Attorney he had safely established himself as the Baltimore 
county leader and through the big majorities rolled up for the 
ticket in that county made himself a factor in the Second Con- 
gressional district. He was not, however, having the easy time 
of it then to keep his control that he had later or has now. There 
were stronger men in the county who opposed him, and once or 
twice the laurels of leadership were snatched away from him. 
But he always kept on fighting, and in the next round got them 
back. 

Mr. Talbott's colleagues on the ticket the first time he ran for 
Congress were Daniel M. Henry, Eli J. Henkle and William 
Kimmel, all of whom were re-elected, while George Peter, of 
Montgomery county, was defeated by Milton G. Urner, the Re- 
publican candidate, by a majority of 1,500 votes. This was the. 
first Democratic Congressional candidate the party had lost 
since 1867, and it greatly disturbed the managers. There are 
some persons who say the trouble between the Peter faction and 
the Jones faction in Montgomery county dates from this defeat 
of the elder Peter, who in some way held Col. Spencer C. Jones 
partly responsible. Robert M. McLane, afterward Governor 
and Ambassador to France, was elected to Congress from the 
Fourth district and Mr. Talbott's majority was about 4,000. 

It was just after this election that the break came between 
Mr. Gorman and Mr. Whyte. It was over a comparatively tri- 
vial matter, but it created a breach that lasted a lifetime and that 
widened as the years went by, embittering both men. Many 



68 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

different stories as to the cause of the rupture have been told 
and different versions are now given by the friends of Mr. Whyte 
and those of Mr. Gorman. The facts seem to be these: It was 
about this time that the Democrats secured control of the United 
States Senate. Gorman, who was then in the State Senate, but 
who loved the life at Washington with which he had been famil- 
iar for so many years, but who had at the time no thought of 
becoming a Senatorial candidate himself, desired the position 
of Assistant Secretary to the Senate. With the friends among 
the Democratic Senators he had in Washington he possessed an 
advantage over other candidates and with the support of his own 
Senators from Maryland there would have been no question but 
that he would have gotten the place. Groome was, of course, 
with him. Gorman came to Washington and asked Senator 
Whyte to support him for this place, Mr. Whyte told him that 
Senator Dennis, who had just been defeated for re-election by 
Mr. Groome, through Mr. Gorman, was a candidate for the posi- 
tion and that he was pledged to him. Mr. Gorman, it is stated, 
said to Mr. Whyte : 

"I can get this place if you will support me. Dennis cannot 
get it either with or without your support. I want the place and 
I want your support." 

Mr. Whyte declined to recede from his attitude and took the 
ground that he could do nothing but support Senator Dennis so 
long as he chose to be a candidate, although he had not advised 
his candidacy. Gorman again put it up to him squarely, and then 
finding him still unmoved, turned on his heel and left the commit- 
tee room where the interview took place. He came directly to 
Baltimore, and it is stated that that night he told Mr. Rasin, Jesse 
K. Hines, "Mike" Bannon and one or two others that he was a 
candidate for the United States Senate to succeed Mr. Whyte. 

This statement, of course, almost immediately got back to Mr. 
Whyte, and he was greatly amused. He regarded himself as 
practically impregnable. He had not then realized the strength 
of Mr. Gorman throughout the counties, and he looked upon his 
threat of being a candidate against him as more or less of a joke,, 
refusing altogether to take it seriously. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 69 

With Whyte over in Washington deluding himself as to his 
security, Gorman started to work almost immediately. Casting 
his eye over the situation, he saw that if he were to make 
the Senatorship it would be necessary that the next Governor, 
whoever he might be, if not a friend of his, should not be a friend 
of Mr. Whyte's. Ever since his defeat for re-election to the Sen- 
ate by Mr. Whyte, William T. Hamilton had been bitterly op- 
posed to the organization. His fight for the Gubernatorial nomi- 
nation against Carroll had strengthened him with the people and 
his reform ideas, had created a sentiment for him throughout the 
State which at that period had become almost irresistible. Gor- 
man, with that keen foresight that distinguished him, saw that 
Hamilton's nomination was inevitable, that he was the only logical 
man in the field and that to attempt to turn him down a second 
time would be exceedingly hazardous. Realizing this, he de- 
termined to ascertain what course Hamilton would pursue to- 
ward the Senatorship fight in the event of his becoming Gov- 
ernor. Accordingly, steps were taken to ascertain Mr. Hamil- 
ton's attitude. One day in the early summer of 1879 Mr. T. J. C. 
Williams, at that time practicing law in Hagerstown in the same 
office with Mr. Hamilton, received a visit from the conductor 
of the Baltimore and Ohio train which plied between Hagers- 
town and Weverton. The conductor told him that a gentleman 
wished to see him on important business, and asked him to go 
down the road with him. Mr. Williams went, and when 
the train stopped on the edge of a woods near Weverton he 
discovered Mr. J. Jesse Moore, one of Mr. Gorman's canal super- 
intendents and his political agent in Washington county, sitting 
on a stump awaiting him. Mr. Moore, after some "beating 
about the bush," asked Mr. Williams this question: "In the 
event that Mr. Hamilton should be nominated and elected Gov- 
ernor and Mr. Gorman and Mr. Whyte should be rival candi- 
dates for the Senate, who would Hamilton support?" 
Mr. Williams replied that he had no authority to speak for Mr. 
Hamilton, and he was sure that it would be useless to ask him 
for any pledge. "But what is your own opinion?" Mr. Moore 
Zisked. "My opinion," was the reply, "is that Mr. Hamilton 
would look on a fight between Gorman and Whyte as the 
woman looked on the fight between her husband and the bear. 



70 THE STOEY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

He would refuse to take sides. Of that I think there can be no 
doubt." "That is all I want to know," said Mr. Moore. 

This was also all that Mr. Gorman wanted — to be assured that 
Hamilton would not aid Whyte. He knew he could expect no aid 
from him for himself, but it was vital to his candidacy that the 
Governor be hands ofif in the fight between Whyte and himself. 
Whyte had offended Hamilton irrevocably when he used his 
position and power as Governor to oust him from the United 
States Senate and take his place, while Gorman had earned his 
enmity by helping Whyte to do this very thing, although he 
had warned Mr. Hamilton as to just what would be Whyte's 
course. Later Mr. Gorman had accomplished Hamilton's de- 
feat in the convention of 1875. Knowing, therefore, that with 
Hamilton as Governor he as the State leader could expect little 
or nothing in the way of appointments or patronage for four 
years even if elected to the Senate, Mr. Gorman, ably assisted 
by Mr. Rasin and his lieutenants throughout the State, did their 
level best to tie Hamilton's hands by nominating as candidates 
for the Legislature and for other positions throughout the State, 
and in the city, only the straightest, strongest, truest kind of or- 
ganization men, of the character sometimes referred to as "Mul- 
doons." They also nominated for Comptroller Thomas J. Keat- 
ing, and for Attorney-General Charles J. M. Gwinn. With 
Barnes Compton as Treasurer, this gave them the Board of Pub- 
lic Works, and with the House of Delegates and Senate entirely 
in the hands of their friends, they had Hamilton helpless to 
put through anything of a reform nature distasteful to them, and 
they were also in a position to prevent a confirmation of any 
obnoxious Gubernatorial appointments. 

The year before Mr. Gorman had succeeded Joshua Vansant as 
chairman of the State Central Committee, and the conduct of the 
entire campaign was in his hands. The convention was the most 
harmonious and peaceful that had been held since 1864. Sentiment 
had so crystallized around Hamilton that no other name was men- 
tioned in connection with the nomination. Col. Spencer C. Jones, 
of Montgomery county, another of Mr. Gorman's lifelong 
friends, was nominated for Clerk of the Court of Appeals with 
Hamilton, his nomination being brought about by the State's 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 71 

Attorneys in the different counties, all of whom were Democrats 
and 13 of whom were old Confederate soldiers. Colonel Jones 
was a Confederate soldier and he was also State's Attorney for 
his county. His candidacy aroused the old Confederates all over 
the State to enthusiasm and his nomination went through with 
a whoop. The platform adopted was a reform platform, in har- 
mony with Hamilton's views, and Hamilton's speech in accepting 
the nomination was a trenchant and striking one that enthused 
the people and put forth plans for economic reforms, many of 
which have since been carried out. 

Edwin Warfield was a delegate from Howard county to the 
Hamilton convention, and it was two years later that he was 
elected to the State Senate to succeed Mr. Gorman. 

Mr. Gorman himself was re-elected to the State Senate on the 
ticket with Hamilton, but had a hard fight to pull through, 
chiefly because of his inability to give personal attention to his 
own candidacy, his time being taken up almost exclusively with 
the management of the State campaign. The Legislature, how- 
ever, was made up fargely of Gorman's friends, and Senator 
Whyte had been caught napping. He awoke when it was too 
late — when the Legislature took from him the Senatorship and 
gave it to Gorman. 

Incidentally, in this year Mr. Rasin was for the third time a 
candidate for the position of Clerk of the Court of Common 
Pleas and was for the third time elected. It was this year, too, 
that the late John P. Poe was a candidate for the House of Dele- 
gates nomination, but was defeated in the primaries. He was a 
Whyte man, and his desire to go to Annapolis was with the hope 
of helping Mr. Whyte. He was always a friend of Mr. Whyte's, 
even after he had became a friend of Mr. Gorman, and as between 
Gorman and Whyte at that time he was for Whyte. Later he 
became one of Mr. Gorman's most trusted and valued friends, 
and there was probably no man in Maryland whose counsel and 
advice Mr. Gorman valued more than he did that of Mr. Poe. 

After Mr. Gorman's election to the United States Senate for a 
few years Mr. Charles J. M. Gwinn continued his work as the 
writer of Democratic platforms and the drafter of Democratic 
legislation, but upon his death the burden fell upon Mr. Poe, and 



72 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

he personally wrote every Democratic platform adopted by the 
party from that time until his death, with the single exception of 
the platform upon which Crothers was elected. He did not write 
the Crothers' platform, but every other one from the date of Mr, 
Gwinn's death until his own was the product of his pen. Not 
only that, but practically every piece of election legislation enacted 
by the party since 1884 to 1908 knew Mr. Poe as its author. The 
Wilson ballot, which is in force in the Eastern Shore and South- 
ern Maryland counties was drawn by him. It was introduced in 
the Senate by the late Senator Joseph Wilson, of Prince George's 
county, but it was written and handed to Mr. Wilson by Mr. Poe. 
Prior to every State convention up to the time of his death it was 
the custom of Mr. Gorman, from which he never departed, to in- 
vite Mr. Poe and the late Thomas M. Lanahan, who wielded a 
tremendous power in politics, but worked "under cover" all the 
time, to his home near Laurel. There the three would go to go 
over the situation. Mr. Gorman would express his views and 
indicate what he wanted in the platform. Mr. Lanahan and Mr. 
Poe would suggest and discuss. An agreement as to the essential 
points would be reached and next morning Mr. Poe would re- 
rurn to the city and write the platform. Sometimes some changes 
would be made by the convention itself, but these changes were 
rare. Usually after Mr. Poe had completed the platform he gave 
it to Mr. Gorman. Mr. Gorman in his room at the Rennert would 
send for the man it was proposed to make chairman of the com- 
mittee on resolutions and give him a copy of the platform, and 
that was all there was to it. Prior to this Mr. Gorman at the 
Rennert would send for Mr. Rasin. explain the platform to him, 
get him to agree, and that settled it. 

The beauty and power of the language in these documents 
stands as a monument to the talent and ability of Mr. Poe, whose 
genius was recognized not only by the leaders in this State, but 
by national Democrats. It has never been published, and Mr. 
Poe himself was not the man to boast of it, but some of the more 
important parts of the national platform of 1904 were drawn by 
him. 

At this convention David B. Hill, of New York, said to a mem- 
ber of the Maryland delegation, "That man Poe of yours is one 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 73 

of the most wonderful men in the country." In Maryland a great 
many uninformed people regarded Mr. Poe, politically, as "slick," 
and numerous Democratic legislative and political tricks have 
been attributed to him. Those who knew him well knew that in 
the party councils he always stood for the straight thing, the 
honest thing, the direct method. He believed in straightforward- 
ness and fairness. He was grieved when his party adopted other 
tactics. It is a fact that those who were in the conference know 
that Mr. Poe strenuously objected and strongly opposed in the so- 
called Poe suffrage amendment, the very provision that caused 
Governor Warfield to oppose it, and that really brought about its 
defeat. 

This was the provision placing discretionary powers in the hands 
of the registration officials. He was overruled and bowed to the 
will of the majority as he always did. Yet men like William 
Shephard Bryan and nearly everyone else except those who know 
the truth about the thing believe that this provision was Mr. 
Poe's idea, and that it originated with him and was placed in the 
measure by him. The fact is — and it does not make any differ- 
ence what anybody says — he was opposed to that provision. 

The old story of the change of the word "veto" to "vote" in an 
election law and which got Mr. Poe for some time the title "Veto 
Poe," was another injustice done to this man and another in- 
justice that he bore uncomplainingly, content if a few people 
knew the truth. It is a fact, too, that Mr. Poe was not in favor 
of calling the extra session that marked the term of Gov. John 
Walter Smith and resulted in the enactment of the present elec- 
tion law, which he drew. He doubted the wisdom of this action 
and said so at the conference. A good many people will not be- 
lieve the truth about these things even now, but they are true 
just the same. No man in politics today in either party and no "in- 
dependent" Democrat in the State was less in faver of political 
trickery or more in favor of a "square deal" than was John 
P. Poe. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



The First Election of Gorman to the Senate. 



In subtlety and shrewdness the game that Gorman played in 
the Hamilton campaign and the Legislature that followed, re- 
sulting in his first election to the United States Senate and his 
establishment as the undisputed and supreme leader of the State, 
stands unmatched in the political history of the State. 

Not only did it take breadth and courage to nominate for 
Governor a man — William T. Hamilton — whom he knew never 
would be his friend, but it required daring and skill of an ex- 
traordinary kind to so shackle that man through the legislative 
candidates placed on the ticket with him as to render him power- 
less for harm after his election. These two propositions, how- 
ever, were simply compared to that of electing himself, then an 
inconspicuous and comparatively unknown man. United States 
Senator in place of William Pinkney Whyte, then in the vigor 
of his manhood, the height of his political career, with his com- 
manding position, his record, the sentiment behind him and a 
State-wide public clamor for his re-election. Yet he succeeded, 
and he succeeded easily. He actually had votes to spare, and 
this first election of his was a greater tribute to his ability to 
manage men than any other of his later successes. 

It is a fact that at the very moment a tremendous massmeeting 
of representative Baltimore citizens was cheering Whyte in Bal- 
timore city and that statesman was gracefully yielding to the 
demand of the people and consenting to again take up the cares 
of public office in obedience to the public demand. Gorman was 
nominated in the caucus at Annapolis. Mr. John P. Poe was one 
of those who attended this Whyte meeting, he and Mr. Bernard 
Carter both being enthusiastic Whyte men. The meeting was 
held in the old Maryland Institute, and Mr. Poe often told how 
as he and Air. Carter left the hall at the close of Mr. Whyte's 
address they met a reporter of The Sun, who told them that while 

74 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 75 

Whyte was speaking, word had come from Annapolis that the 
caucus had been held and Gorman nominated. 

It is a really thrilling political story, and the odds against Mr. 
Gorman at the start was greater than those against Vv'hich he 
ever afterward successfully coped. The campaign was one of 
factional strife and bitterness among the Democrats and the 
primary battles were far more hotly contested than the election 
itself. With his dual position as president of the Chesapeake and 
Ohio Canal and chairman of the State Central Committee, Mr. 
Gorman adroitly aided his friends in the primaries, gaining a 
man here and there upon whom he could depend and binding to 
him in one way or another county leader after county leader, while 
Mr. Whyte, in fancied security, sat in his seat in the Senate and 
continued to be amused at the rumors brought him by his friends. 
There came a time, however, when Mr. Whyte realized the situa- 
tion and the caliber of the man opposing him. About this time 
he announced that he would not be a candidate for re-election, 
giving personal reasons connected with his family as the ground 
for his withdrawal. 

There are some persons who say the real reason was that Mr. 
Whyte "smelt a rat," and realizing that Mr. Gorman had com- 
pletely undermined him, chose to withdraw in this way rather 
than subject himself to the humiliation of a defeat at the hands of 
a mere stripling in the political game. Others assert emphatically 
that no such fear animated Mr. Whyte, and that the private and 
personal reasons given by him were genuine and sincere. In all 
events he did withdraw, and later, at the demand of the people, 
withdrew his withdrawal and got back into the field just at the 
moment Mr. Gorman landed the prize. 

But to tell the tale from the beginning: 

One of the first of the Democratic county conventions, and by 
long odds the hottest held, was that of Anne Arundel county, 
where the Democrats were "fighting among themselves." There 
had been a heated primary, in which the Bannon faction, headed 
by Michael E. Bannon, and the Bond faction, headed by Gen. 
Frank E. Bond, had fought fiercely. The convention was held in 
Annapolis on July 30 and both sides clashed in an efifort to gain 
control. Bannon attempted to call the convention to order amid 



76 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

hoots, howls and shouts from the Bond element. At the same 
time Bannon tried to organize the convention General Bond 
gained the platform and tried to do the same thing. The Ban- 
nonites howled him down. He and Bannon glared at each other. 
Some man attempted to hand Bannon his credentials and Gen- 
eral Bond seized them. There was a scuffle between the two 
men. A revolver was drawn and fired, two men were cut, four 
delegates jumped out of the Court-house windows and a lot more 
were bruised and maimed trying to get out of the doors, and 
there was a general free fight and a riot. 

The trouble really grew out of the refusal of Bannon to place 
Bond's name before the convention when he was put in nomina- 
tion for chairman. Instead he practically declared himself as 
chairman. General Bond grabbed the gavel, and again a strug- 
gle ensued, with more gun play and more knife work and jump- 
ing delegates. Finally the Bond faction withdrew in a body and, 
heaping epithets upon the Bannonites, retired to another hall and 
organized a rump convention. This was the first and bitterest 
of the many Anne Arundel county factional fights. As a result 
of the Bannon convention "Mike" Bannon himself was renomi- 
nated for the State Senate and Dr. George Wells, ''Sam" Acton 
and John F. Williams, now a well-known Baltimore lawyer, were 
named for the House of Delegates. James Revell was nominated 
for State's Attorney and Thomas S. Nutwell for Sheriff, with 
Sprigg Harwood for Clerk of the Court. This seems to have 
been the first appearance in politics of Dr. Wells, who is now 
the recognized leader in the county, and the first office he ever 
held. 

After the disruption of the party at the Bannon convention a 
compromise was fixed up and another convention held, at which 
Bannon withdrew as a candidate for the Senate, Dr. Wells being 
nominated in his place. John F. Williams was acceptable to both 
factions and was nominated for the House of Delegates, and two 
other men upon whom both sides could agree were put on as his 
colleagues. 

Out in Baltimore county William M. Isaac had been nominated 
for Clerk of the Court, David G. Mcintosh for State's Attorney, 
William A. Slade for Sheriff and Oregon R. Benson for the 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS 77 

House of Delegates. The Republican candidates there included 
H. C. Longnecker for Clerk of the Court and D. Hopper Emory 
for State's Attorney. Mr. B. Frank Crouse, of Carroll county, 
the recognized leader of his county, was nominated for the 
House of Delegates by the Democrats of his county, with T. 
Herbert Shriver, who had been renominated. Ex-Mayor Thomas 
G. Hayes was on the ticket from Baltimore city, this being his 
first public office. Sydney E. Mudd was elected to the House as 
a Democrat from Charles county, with A. J. Chapman. Somerset 
sent Robert F. Brattan to the State Senate, Calvert sent John T. 
Bond, William T. Hepburn went from Kent, W. T. P. Turpin 
from Queen Anne's and John H. Cooper, William A. Fisher and 
William H. Bians from the city. 

As has been stated, the Democratic State Convention was wi<^h 
out friction, the sentiment so strongly crystallized for Hamilton 
that no other name was mentioned for the nomination. When on 
August 7 the Democratic clans gathered at Barnum's prelim- 
inary to the convention it was very much of a lovefeast. John 
Walter Smith, not then even a county leader, was a delegate from 
Worcester, with Samuel K. Dennis, George W. Covington and 
Dr. J. T. B. McMaster. Edwin Warfield represented Howard 
county, L. Victor Baughman was a Frederick delegate, Mordecai 
Price and B. Palmer Keating were there from Queen Anne's; 
Charles H. Gibson, Joseph B. Seth and Armond Hammond from 
Talbot. 

James U. Dennis, of Somerset, seconded Hamilton's nomina- 
tion after his name had been placed before the convention by 
John Ritchie, of Frederick. H. Kyd Douglas was chairman of 
the committee on resolutions and James L. Bond, Charles B. 
Roberts and Dr. E. W. Humphries were among the vice-presi- 
dents. Ex-Governor Elihu E. Jackson was one of the delegates 
from Wicomico, and William F. Applegarth was there from Dor- 
chester. John F. Weyler represented the Third Legislative dis- 
trict in the city and was in those days as practical a politician as 
he is now a model penitentiary warden. 

Marion De Kalb Smith, of Kent, was a member of the State 
committee from his county, and Dr. Frank T. Shaw was the most 
active and prominent member of the Carroll delegation. Dr. 



78 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Silas Baldwin, of Baltimore city, placed Col. Spencer C. Jones 
in nomination for Clerk of the Court of Appeals, and General 
Baughman nominated Mr. Gwinn for Attorney-General. The 
convention was managed in all its details by Mr. Gorman, who 
foresaw everything and directed every move. 

A few weeks after this the Republicans met and nominated 
Gen. James A. Gary as their standard bearer in an uneventful, 
harmonious convention, and attention was then distracted for a 
time from State politics by the municipal campaign, the election 
for which, in those days, were held in October. Latrobe was 
given his third nomination and the Republicans nominated Wil- 
liam A. Hooper. The "Greenback" candidate — Octavius L. 
Matthiot— was also put up, but he cut but little figure. The 
Democratic Councilmanic nominees were as follows, and it is an 
interesting list: 

First Ward — Dr. John D. Fiske. 

Second — Thomas H. Hamilton. 

Third — S. E. Atkinson. 

Fourth— W. J. Keith. 

Fifth— J. St. L. Perry. 

Sixth— D. Meredith Reese. 

Seventh— John M. Getz. 

Eighth — John Mears. 

Ninth — John J. Mahon. 

Tenth — Henry G. Fledderman. 

Eleventh — John Stewart. 

Twelfth — Daniel Giraud Wright. 

Thirteenth — James E. Weaver. 

Fourteenth— John S. Hogg. 

Fifteenth— M. E. Mooney. 

Sixteenth — Jacob Schenkel. 

Seventeenth — Henry Sanders. 

Eighteenth — James Broumel. 

Nineteenth — M. Alexander Miller. 

Twentieth — G. Harlan Williams. 

Second Branch— John F. Weyler and Dr. J. Pembroke Thom. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 70 

Massmeetings in the interests of both parties were held and 
both Carroll and Whyte pitched in to help the city Democrats out. 
"Honest Joe" Thompson, the onetime Mayoralty candidate of 
the Workingman's party, now held a job under Mr. Rasin and 
took the stump for Latrobe. Hooper made a first-class fight and 
came closer to winning than any Republican candidate since 1867, 
Latrobe's majority being reduced from 13,000 of two years be- 
fore to 5,899. 

The week following, the State election was held and Hamilton 
gained his goal by the tremendous plurality of 21,000, greater 
than that of either Whyte or Carroll, his two immediate prede- 
cessors. 

Notwithstanding this big majority, the Republicans succeeded 
in gaining a fair representation in both branches of the Legisla- 
ture. One of the leading Republican Senators elected was Lewis 
H. Steiner, father of Mr. Bernard Steiner, from Frederick. James 
H. Farrow, of Washington, was another, Balthaser Wolfley, of 
Garrett, another, and W. B. Hill, of Prince George's, another. 

After the election and the inauguration of Hamilton Gorman 
still held on to the presidency of the canal company, and his 
fight for the Senate began to reach its climax. Through his 
control of the Board of Public Works his friends, Barnes Comp- 
ton and Thomas J. Keating, forming a majority of that BDard, 
hh friend, Jesse K. Hines, was elected Insurance Commissioner 
and his friend, Levin Woolford, Tax Commissioner, both of these 
being powerful and influential positions with considerable pa- 
tronage attached. His friend, Herman Stump, of Harford, was 
made President of the Senate, and Hiram McCullough, of Cecil, 
Speaker of the House of Delegates. 

From the minute the Legislature assembled Mr. Gorman forced 
things. Whyte's friends were organizing the big citizens' move- 
ment to get him back in the field and Gorman well knew the 
force of public sentiment back of Whyte. On January 7 the 
Whyte massmeeting was held in the old Maryland Institute. 
Joseph B. Stafford called it to order and Decatur H. Miller 
presided. Some of the vice-presidents were Henry A. Thompson, 



80 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Henry E. Johnson, C. Morton Stewart, J. D. Kremelberg, Robert 
A. Fisher, Henry M. Warfield, Henry Clay Smith, Stephen Bon- 
sal, Robinson W. Cator, Joseph Friedenwald, William F. Lucas, 
Otho H. Williams, Charles L. Marburg, Charles A. Councilman, 
J. Randolph Mordecai, Bernard Carter, John P. Poe, A. G. Hutz- 
ler, Douglas H. Thomas, Joshua Levering, Henry James, Leo 
W. Gail, John C. Grafflin, Gustavus Ober, Thomas A. Whelan, 
Louis Seldner, Samuel Kirk, Alexander Rieman and many others 
equally well known. After the adoption of strong resolutions 
calling upon Mr. Whyte to make the fight and accept re-election 
a committee of five was appointed to wait on Mr. Whyte and 
escort him to the hall. Mr. Whyte appeared with the committee 
and was greeted with tremendous applause. After the cheering 
had subsided he said: "Thirty-two years ago I first accepted 
public office. Last spring, worried by labor and with a family 
prostrated by sickness and saddened by calamity I withdrew my 
name from consideration for re-election in a public card." Mr. 
Whyte then went on to say that in response to the call of the 
people as represented by the committee he would again sacrifice 
his personal feelings and enter the field. It was at the conclu- 
sion of the meting that Mr. Poe and Mr. Carter learned of the 
selection of Gorman in caucus at Annapolis. 

While Gorman was really chosen at this caucus the announce- 
ment of the action was held back and his formal selection was 
made at a more regular caucus held the next day. Ex-Mayor 
Hayes was a member of this caucus, and it was upon his motion 
that Murray Vandiver was chosen as its presiding officer. On 
the morning after the first caucus and just before the second 
caucus a committee of 20 of Whyte's friends went to Annapolis 
to present his claims. With them were John Gill, John P. Poe 
and many others not members of the committee. When they 
reached the State House, however, they realized it was too late. 
George H. Williams, of Baltimore county, was the man who 
nominated Mr. Gorman in the caucus and Robert F. Brattan, 
of Somerset, nominated Mr. Whyte. Senator William A. Fisher, 
afterwards judge, nominated S. Teackle Wallis. The ballot was 
as follows: 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 81 

Gorman 54 

Whyte 22 

Wallis 3 

Mr. Gorman was himself in the caucus as one of the Demo- 
cratic State Senators, but refrained from voting. Those who 
were there say he watched the balloting as unmoved as if he 
had no interest at all in the outcome. It was Mr. Brattan who 
moved to make the election unanimous, and this was carried. 

In voting for Gorman in the caucus Murray Vandiver merely 
carried out a promise made in 1878 when Groome was elected. 
At that time Vandiver was for Dennis, and Mr. Gorman was 
unable to get him to vote for Groome. Mr. Vandiver told him 
then, however, "If you are ever a candidate yourself, I will vote 
for you." This was practically the real beginning of their friend- 
ship, which lasted without a break until Mr. Gorman's death. 

After Gorman's selection by the caucus The Sun, on January 
9, 1880, said this of the action of the Democrats : 

"Mr. Gorman is a well-known political leader in the State. 
He resides in Howard county, which he has several times rep- 
resented in the House of Delegates and the Senate. He was at 
one time Collector of Internal Revenue in the Fifth dis- 
trict, and has since the incumbency of Governor Carroll been 
president of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. Mr. Gorman is 
still a young and active man, not more than 41 years old, and 
has long been identified with public affairs in Maryland." 

This was about all the newspaper comment there was concern- 
ing the relegation to the rear of the biggest man politically in 
the State and the elevation to the greatest office in the gift of 
the Legislature of a comparatively unknown quantity, but in 
those days the newspapers did not take the interest in, nor give the 
space to, politics they do now, and this event, so big with signifi- 
cance, passed practically unnoticed except for the comment given 
above. Yet it opened a breach between Mr. Gorman and Mr. 
Whyte that lasted a lifetime and that in bitterness of feeUng can 
hardly be exaggerated. Certainly one of the most remarkable 
things in Maryland politics is the fact that 26 years later — a 
whole generation — Mr. Whyte should again have gone to the 



82 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

United States Senate to fill the unexpired term caused by the 
death of Mr. Gorman. 

Following the 1880 election the Democratic party almost im- 
mediately went into the throes of the national campaign and the 
State convention to select delegates to the national convention 
was held as early as June 7. Judge James McSherry presided 
and Charles C. Crothers, who had then become a big factor in 
Cecil county politics, although he had not at that time broken 
away from Albert Constable and was regarded as one of the 
latter's lieutenants, was one of the vice-presidents. Murray 
Vandiver, was one of the delegates to the convention, and took 
a prominent part in the proceedings. Under the control of 
Mr. Gorman, the convention selected the following delegates: 

At Large — William Pinkney Whyte, Philip Francis Thomas, 
John Lee Carroll and Bernard Carter. 

First District— E. E. Jackson and Richard D. Hynson. 

Second — Wilmot Johnson and Charles B. Roberts. 

Third — George Colton and James Bond. 

Fourth — John W. Davis and William Keyser. 

Fifth — John T. Bond and Barnes Compton. 

Sixth — L. Victor Baughman and Lewis C. Smith. 

The selection of Mr. Whyte was engineered by Mr. Gorman, 
who, although having gained his seat in the Senate, felt it the 
part of policy not to ignore his distinguished opponent, who was 
still a member of the Senate and entitled to the honor of being 
a delegate-at-large. 

William Keyser, one of the delegates from the Fourth dis- 
trict, became later a violent and conspicuous reformer, who 
denounced the ring and the leaders with great vigor, spent his 
money and time to bring about their defeat and hated both Mr. 
Gorman and Mr. Rasin. At this time, however, he was a regular 
of the regulars, and his bolt came later, when, it is said, Mr. Gor- 
man and Mr. Rasin could not see their way clear to nominate him 
for Governor, which was his one real political ambition. The 
Maryland delegates aided in the nomination of Hancock and 
in the election that followed the State gave him 18,000 plurality 
over Garfield. The Democratic candidates for Congress who 
were elected on the ticket were : 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 83 

First District — George W. Covington. 

Second— J. F. C. Talbott. 

Third— Fetter S. Hoblitzell. 

Fourth— Robert M. McLane. 

Fifth District — Andrew J. Chapman. 

The only Republican chosen was Milton G. Urner, of Fred- 
erick county. The late Enoch Pratt was one of the Republican 
candidates, but withdrew before the election. 

This fight was quickly followed by the Mayoralty campaign 
of 1881, and here, too, Mr. Gorman played clever politics. It 
was really his idea that Mr. Whyte should be nominated by 
the city Democrats for Mayor, it being plain to Mr. Gorman 
that the forcing of Mr. Whyte into this position would be the 
most effective possible way of permanently sidetracking him as 
a political factor and preventing his coming again to the front 
as a State leader. Mr. Whyte was induced, principally by Mr. 
Rasin, acting under the hypnotic suggestion of Mr. Gorman, 
to take the nomination, and he had no opposition, either for the 
nomination or for the election. 

An interesting incident in connection with Whyte's nomi- 
nation for the Mayoralty was the visit paid him in the Senate 
by Governor Hamilton. Hamilton had had no use for Whyte 
since the time the latter ousted him from the Senate through 
the exercise of his power as Governor, the nomination for which 
had really been given him by Hamilton. Hamilton, however, 
for some reason had a bitter hatred of Ferdinand C. Latrobe. 
There was at this time talk of renominating Latrobe for the 
Mayoralty and Hamilton was anxious to prevent this. After 
giving the matter much thought he finally pocketed his pride 
and, leaving Annapolis, went to Washington. As a former 
member of the Senate he was entitled to the privileges of the 
floor, and he entered the Senate chamber and a page took his 
card to Senator Whyte, then a defeated candidate with but few 
more months to serve. Whyte saw the Governor and came 
forward to meet him. The two men sat down on one of the 
sofas around the walls of the Senate and had a long talk. This 
was the first time Hamilton and Whyte had spoken for six years. 
Hamilton told Whyte frankly that he would consider the nomina- 



84 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

tion and election of Latrobe as Mayor a calamity and that he was 
anxious to prevent it, and asked him to use his influence to 
stop the renomination movement. At the end of their talk Mr. 
Whyte said: "That's all right, Governor. You need not worry. 
Latrobe will not be nominated." Later, when Whyte himself 
accepted the nomination, Governor Hamilton said to his friend, 
T, J. C. Williams : "He told me Latrobe would not be nominated, 
but he did not say a word to me about making the place himself." 
It is said by friends of Mr. Whyte today that one of his reasons 
for accepting the Mayoralty at this time was that he needed the 
money. His six years in the Senate had left him with practically 
no law business at all, his clients having deserted him, and he 
needed the salary. 

The Republicans named no candidate and the fight was only 
over the Council. One vote would have been sufficient to have 
elected Mr. Whyte. The same condition existed in reference 
to Judge James L. Bartol, of the Court of Appeals, against whom 
the Republicans in this campaign placed no nominee. At this 
election John J. Mahon was again re-elected to the Council from 
the Ninth ward, W. Starr Gephart was elected from the old 
Fourteenth ward and Warden John F. Weyler from the Sixteenth 
ward. John M. Dulany became a member of the Second Branch 
and Major James W. Denny was elected to the First Branch 
from the Twentieth ward. 



CHAPTER IX 



Talbott's Clever Trick To Secure A Nomination. Legislature 

of 1882. 



Probably the most interesting feature of the Hancock-Gar- 
field campaign of 1880 in Maryland was the struggle over the 
nomination for Congress in the Second Congressional district, 
then composed of Baltimore, Harford, Carroll and Cecil counties. 
This was the "main fight" and the eyes of the State were cen- 
tered upon the nominating convention, which was held at West- 
minster. Congressman J. F. C. Talbott, then a young man, had 
been elected to Congress the first time in 1878. He had served 
creditably, made friends in Washington and outside, strength- 
ened himself in his county leadership until he had become a 
factor to be reckoned with in State politics, and was now a can- 
didate for renomination, basing his candidacy upon the ground 
that he was entitled to an indorsement by his district by reason of 
his record. But the other county leaders in the district did not 
see it that way and there was a tempestuous time before the 
convention met. 

At first Talbott believed that he would have no opposition and 
that the men likely to become candidates in the other three 
counties would support him. He was early undeceived as to this, 
however, when three bona-fide candidates, each with his county 
behind him, appeared in the field — Albert Constable, of Cecil ; 
Herman Stump, of Harford, and Charles B. Roberts, of Carroll 
county. About a week before the convention Talbott realized 
he could not be nominated, and came to Baltimore to talk things 
over at a conference held at the old Johnson Building in the city. 
There were present Senator Gorman, Robert M. McLane (then 
Congressman and always a friend of Mr. Talbott's), John W. 
Davis and Jesse K. Hines. Talbott explained that he could not 
be nominated in the convention, and the question arose as to who, 
then, had better be named. John W. Davis was strong for 

85 



86 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Roberts, but Talbott, who Had been led to believe by friends of 
both Roberts and Stump that they would not be candidates 
against him, emphatically declined to agree to this. 

"Gentlemen," he said, "I may not be nominated, but Roberts 
won't be, either. If I cannot make it myself, neither of those 
two fellows shall have it. I am not going up there and nominate 
them. Neither one of them should run against me." 

The conference adjourned with nothing settled. Mr. Talbott, 
with his Baltimore county delegates, went up to Westminster 
to the convention with no definite plan. Dr. George H. Cairnes 
was chairman of the Baltimore county delegation, and the six 
votes from that county were solid and enthusiastic Talbott 
men. It took ten votes to nominate in the convention, and 
Talbott had two "under cover" in the Carroll county delegation 
upon which he believed he could count in the "show down." The 
convention met, and the four candidates were balloted for many 
hours with no result. Recess after recess was taken and speech 
after speech was made, but the vote always stood : Talbott, 6 ; 
Roberts, 5 ; Stump, 4, and Constable, 4. 

Mr. Talbott made up his mind early that, in the event of the 
impossibility of his securing the nomination himself, the next 
best thing would be to name the man. He had a friend in the 
Harford delegation, who, although a Stump man on the surface 
and forced to vote for Stump, was in reality a friend of Tal- 
bott's. Mr. Talbott told this man privately that he did not want 
him to do anything except when the time came that Stump ex- 
pected the other counties — Cecil and Carroll — to vote for him, 
to let him know. After the two hundred and sixty-fourth 
ballot this man tipped Mr. Talbott that on the next ballot a 
break was to come and Stump be nominated. Mr. Talbott went 
into the convention and got Dr. Cairnes to move a recess, mak- 
ing the open statement that the reason for the recess was to give 
the Baltimore county delegation a chance to confer with the Car- 
roll county delegation. Carroll county voted with Baltimore 
county for the recess, and the other two counties voted against 
it, but the combined vote of Baltimore and Carroll was more than 
enough to carry any motion or nominate any candidate. As 
soon as the recess was taken the Baltimore and Carroll county 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 87 

delegations retired to a private room in the hall, and Mr. Tal- 
bott did the talking. 

"Baltimore county," he said, "is now ready on the next ballot 
to vote for any Carroll county man except Charles B. Roberts. 
We won't vote for him because he ought not to have been a 
candidate against me, and I had good reason to believe he would 
not be. Any other man you want from your county, however, 
we will take. Name your man, and he will be nominated." 

The Carroll delegation discussed the proposition a while, and 
then told Mr. Talbott they had no candidate to present. 

"Well, then," said Mr. Talbott, "I will give you one — Frank 
T. Shaw." 

There was more conferring among the Carroll delegation and 
Dr. Shaw was brought in and talked to. At first he declined to 
take the nomination on these conditions. Finally, when an 
agreement seemed impossible, one of the men in the Carroll 
county delegation, upon whom Mr. Talbott had always counted, 
got up and said: "I am tired of this business. Mr. Talbott is 
entitled to the renomination and we all know it. He comes in here 
now with a proposition to nominate a Carroll county man. If 
we cannot agree to this, I give notice now I am going into the 
convention and vote for Talbott. The other Carroll delegate 
friendly to Talbott indorsed this statement and took a similar 
stand. This break in their own delegation put the other 
Carroll county people "up in the air" and they at once capit- 
ulated. Dr. Shaw agreed to take the nomination, the convention 
was reconvened and he was placed in nomination by a Carroll 
delegate, who withdrew Mr. Roberts' name. He was nominated 
by the votes of Carroll and Baltimore county, on the two hundred 
and sixty-fifth ballot. At the close of the nomination Mr. Tal- 
bott made a speech, which some of his friends say today was 
one of the best he ever did make. He declared the district had 
now established the one-term rule, and showed the injustice of 
such a precedent. 

Now comes in the real politics of the fight. Dr. Shaw was at 
the time— and Mr. Talbott well knew it — Clerk of the Court in 
Carroll county. He had been elected the year before and had 
five more years to serve. About a week after the convention 



88 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

at Westminster adjourned Dr. Shaw concluded he could not 
afford to run and formally declined to accept the nomination. 

This left things "up in the air," so far as the other 
three counties were concerned, but it did not put Mr. 
Talbott "up in the air," because he had expected, and, 
in fact, planned this very thing. He knew Dr. Shaw could not 
afford to give up five years as Clerk of the Court for two years 
in Congress, and that when the time came to think it over he 
would not do so. So, pending Shaw's announcement, he had 
been at work and when the special convention was finally called 
at Havre de Grace Talbott was nominated by acclamation. 

This was not the only stormy battle that Mr. Talbott had for 
his Congressional nominations in those days, and, in fact, there 
have been few, except those in recent years, for which he did 
not have to fight. He was renominated without much trouble 
in 1882, but in 1884 there came another memorable convention 
in this district — this time held at Elkton — at which 3,500 ballots 
were taken, resulting finally in the nomination of Dr. Shaw. 
This time Dr. Shaw held on to the nomination and was elected, 
then renominated and re-elected, serving two terms. Then 
Colonel Stump was nominated in 1888 and again in 1890, serv- 
ing two terms, and Talbott did not again get the nomination 
until 1892. At that time he came in, and has been renominated 
every two years, with one exception, since. Gov. Austin L. 
Crothers, was a delegate to most of the district conventions 
from 1888 up to the time Cecil county was taken out of the 
Second and placed in the Fifth district, and it was the game 
played by the Cecil delegation that brought about the nomina- 
tion of Stump in 1888. 

During the years he was out of Congress, however, Mr. Tal- 
bott had more time to give to State and County politics, and he 
began to cement his friendship with Mr. Gorman and to make 
himself a bigger factor in State politics. He and Mr. Rasin got 
to be pretty thick, and when in 1884 Mr. Rasin had the really 
big battle of his life — the Brown-Hodges fight, in which his 
two chief rivals in the city, Robert J. Slater and J. Frank Mor- 
lison, supported Brown and he backed Hodges — Mr. Talbott 
lent the "Old Man" all the aid he could and fought for Hodges 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 89 

with all his might. It was this victory that crushed Morrison 
and Slater and left Mr. Rasin the undisputed and supreme leader 
of the city — a position from which he was never dislodged. 

One of the chief advocates and friends of Judge Brown in 
this campaign was the late S. Teackle Wallis, the reformer, who 
was the leading Brown speaker in the campaign. Mr. Talbott, 
in the course of the fight, quoted a remark made some years be- 
fore by Mr. Wallis to the effect that there was "nothing certain 
about Judge Brown, but his doubts." Mr. Wallis never did deny 
that he had said this, but in his next speech he referred to it in 
this way: "I noticed in the newspapers that a person named Tal- 
bott is quoted as saying that I had made some statement not of a 
complimentary nature concerning Judge Brown. I do not know 
this young man Talbott and the only time I ever saw him he was 
very drunk and very boisterous." 

The next night Mr. Talbott spoke again in the city, and, after 
quoting his statement and Mr. Wallis' reply, said : 

"Mr. Wallis says that the only time he ever met me I was very 
drunk and very boisterous. I want to say that Mr. Wallis' rec- 
coflection is correct. We were both very drunk." 

Mr. Talbott, of course, had never seen Mr. Wallis, nor had 
Mr. Wallis seen him, but Talbott certainly had the last word in 
the controversy, as Wallis did not reply. Had he done so, Mr. 
Talbott was prepared to "come back" with the statement that Mr. 
Wallis was too drunk really to remember the occasion. 

To return to the 1881 State fight : that followed the election 
of Whyte as Mayor. For an off year it was an unusually hot 
campaign. The Republican State Central Committee met on 
September 8. Some of those present were : Frederick Stone, 
Col. J. Parran Crane, C. Irving Ditty, William J. Gill, Henry Lin- 
genfelder, John F. Gore, James Massey, Henry R. Torbert, Dr. 
L. H. Steiner, Dr. George D. Mudd, Dr. George Zimmerman, 
Louis E. McComas, Dr. E. C. Baldwin, W. Schoefield, Alexander 
McCormick, B. G. Stonestreet, Dr. J. J. Weaver, Col. W. A. Mc- 
Kellip ; Trueman Willing, of Howard county ; C. F. Purdham, 
Samuel Mallalieu ; John T. Hand, of Queen Anne's ; Hance Law- 
son, of Somerset; John L. Milburn; James M. Leach, of St. 
Mary's; Samuel E. Foskey, and Solomon T. Huston, of Wicom- 



90 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

ico; H. E. Challus, of Howard; Major A. M. Hancock, J. C. 
Robinson, and R. B. McCoy, of Harford; Arthur Shriver, of 
Allegany; James W. A. Derry, of Dorchester; Charles T. Wes- 
cott and J. Frank Wilson, of Kent. 

The question of a candidate for Comptroller and the prospect 
of electing him were discussed and the date fixed for the State 
convention. 

The "O. L. D.s" in the city were making things warm for the 
regular organization, and in the primaries held for the election 
of delegates to the State convention of the Democrats, bolted, 
held a massmeeting and chose delegates of their own. They had 
a committee of one hundred, of which George W. Benson was 
chairman and William H. Love secretary. Joseph T. Heuisler 
James Broumel, Eli J. Henkle, B. B. Knell and James Maddox 
were active members of the committee. 

The Democratic State Convention was held in the old Masonic 
Temple on June 23, and Thomas J. Keating was renominated for 
Comptroller, but not without a vigorous protest. Gorman, as 
chairman, called the meeting to order, and in a speech eulogized 
the party record. Dr. Thomas Opie, of the city delegation, was 
temporary chairman and Messrs. James Hodges and Joseph 
Heuisler, not delegates to the convention, at once demanded a 
hearing for the "O. L. D." contesting delegates. 

Mr. Bernard Carter led the fight that followed. He called 
Heuisler and Hodges to account for attempting to address the 
convention when neither was entitled to the floor. Gen. Joseph 
B. Seth supported Mr. Carter and demanded the rollcall. 

Hodges and Heuisler interrupted the call of the counties to 
reiterate their demand for a hearing, and there was great con- 
fusion. Cries of "Sit down!" "Shut up!" and "Put them out!" 
from the regulars mingled with the cries of "Let them alone !" 
"Go ahead !" from the O. L. D. element in the gallery. Mr. Car- 
ter, tall and erect in the center aisle, held the floor, although Mr. 
Hodges, in spite of the uproar, continued to address the chair. He 
and Mr. Heuisler elbowed and pushed their way through the 
crowd until they reached the stage and then reiterated their de- 
mand for justice at the top of their voices. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 91 

It was at this juncture that PoHce Marshal Jacob Frey took a 
hand in the game. He seized Mr. Hodges by the arm and ordered 
him to desist, at the same time suppressing Mr. Heuisler. There 
were high words between the men, but quiet was finally re- 
stored. Mr. Carter then spoke strongly, insisting that the con- 
testing delegates had no standing in the convention and, having 
bolted the party primaries, had no right to appeal for a hearing 
to the convention. Mr. Keedy, of Washington county, also a 
brilliant speaker, defended the O. L. D. delegation, urging that 
the standing of Mr. Hodges and Mr. Heuisler as citizens gave 
them a right to a hearing. Finally the committee on credentials 
was appointed, with Mr. Carter as its chairman. Mr. Hodges 
again offered his credentials, fcut the chairman declined to rec- 
ognize him, and Mr. Keedy finally took the papers and offered 
them himself. Mr. Carter at once seconded Mr. Keedy's pres- 
entation and the credentials were received. The committee, how- 
ever, promptly rejected them, though not before a vigorous pro- 
test against the nomination of Mr, Keating had been made. 
Keating was nominated by Hattersley W. Talbott, of Montgomery 
county. 

The Republicans met later and renominated Mr. Gorsuch as 
their candidate for Comptroller without much enthusiasm and 
with very little hope of electing him. 

The election was held on November 8 and Keating won by 
a majority of about 15,000. The Democrats also retained com- 
plete control of both branches of the General Assembly, Murray 
Vandiver was again a candidate for the House of Delegates in 
Harford county, but was defeated by William B. Baker. Col. 
Herman Stump, candidate for the State Senate, was also defeated 
by Mr. Edward M. Allen, of Harford. 

There were in the House and Senate of that year (1882), 
however, many well-known men, some of whom are prominent 
in their party still. Here is the complete list of the Senate. 

Allegany County — William Brace, Rep. 

Anne Arundel — Dr. George Wells, Dem. 

Baltimore City — John H. Cooper, Dem. ; W. H. Bians, Dem., 
John Gill, Jr., Dem. 

Charles County — F. M. Lancaster, Rep. 



92 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Calvert — John T. Bond, Dem, 

Carroll — Henry Vanderford, Dem. 

Cecil — Levi R. Mearns, Dem. 

Dorchester — Henry Lloyd, Dem. 

Caroline — A. B. Roe, Rep. 

Garrett — George W. Wilson, Rep. 

Baltimore County — George H. Williams, Dem. 

Harford — Edward M. Allen, Rep. 

Montgomery — James T. Moore, Rep. 

Talbot — L Davis Clark, Rep. 

Howard — Edwin Warfield, Dem. 

Frederick — Lewis H. Steiner, Rep. 

Kent — William T. Hepburn, Dem. 

Queen Anne's — W. T. P. Turpin, Dem. 

Somerset — Robert F. Brattan, Dem. 

Washington — Joseph Farrow, Rep. 

Wicomico — J. Augustus Parsons, Dem. 

Worcester — George W. Bishop, Dem. 

Edwin Warfield had been elected from Howard to fill out 
the unexpired term of Mr. Gorman. Edward Lloyd, who became 
Governor when Mr. McLane went to Paris and later became 
judge, was the new representative in the Senate from Dorchester. 
Wells, Hepburn, Turpin, Bond and Brattan were holdover Dem- 
ocrats, as was George H. Williams, of Baltimore county, who 
again became President of the Senate. The Republicans made a 
net gain of four Senators and nine members of the House, as 
compared with the session of 1880. Otis Keilholtz, of Baltimore 
city, became Speaker of the House, the personnel of which in- 
cluded : 

Allegany — B. L. Turner, C. F. McAleer, John Falkin and C. 
F. Hetzel, Reps. 

Anne Arundel — Dr. George W. Hammond, Samuel G. Acton, 
John G. Hopkins, Frank A. Bond, Dems. 

Baltimore City: First District — Thomas B. McCosker, August 
Berkmeier, Charles R. Hamilton, James Young, Harry Welles 
Rusk and Levin F. Morris, Dems. 

Second District — John H. Handy, Patrick Reilly, John A. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 93 

Ostendorf, Edward M. Kirkland, Aqtiilla Greenfield and Henry 
Duvall, Dems. 

Third District— Otto Keillioltz, Charles J. Werner, B. L. 

Harig, Henry A. Schulz, Andrew A. Rose and Joseph G. John- 
son, Dems. 

Baltimore County — Andrew Banks, E. J. Farber, John S. 
Gitting-s, Jr., J. G. Bosley, Wilmot Johnson and J. W. Burton, 
Dems. 

Calvert — George W. Dowell and James C. Chaney, Reps. 

Caroline — James Green and Thomas W. Jones, Reps. 

Carroll— D. A. C. Webster, J. W. Berret, Edward W. Leeds 
and Henry Gait, Dems. 

Cecil — Duncan Veazey, James A. Lewis and W. B. Rowland, 
Dems. 

Charles — Sydney E. Mudd, S. G. Lancaster and W. D. C. 
Mitchell, Reps. 

Dorchester — W. S. Sherman, J. H. Johnson and W. T. Sta- 
pleton, Dems. 

Frederick — B. D. Chambers, Charles L. Wilson, Dr. T. E. 
R. Miller, Peter Lugenbel and Joseph E. Webster, Reps. 

Garrett — Samuel J. Beachey and Howard M. Kemp, Rep. 

Harford— James B. Preston, David Wiley, Dr. Silas Scar- 
boro, Dems., and Wilbain B. Baker, Rep. 

Howard — Robert A. Dobbin and John T. Hardy, Dems. 

Kent — Samuel Cavy and T. A. Hulme, Dems. 

Montgomery — Joseph Dyson, Thomas Waters of S., Dems., 
and John H. McDonald, Rep. 

Prince George's — Alvin M. Bond, Rep., Charles H. Stanley 
and John Gourlay, Dems. 

Queen Anne's — A. Randolph Weedon. William C. McConnor, 
Dems., and Joseph Mallalieu, Rep. 

Somerset — Robert H. Croswell, John T. Miles, Dems.. and E. 
R. Grenby, Rep. 

St. Mary's — L. H. Canter, and J. N. Graves, Reps. 

Talbot— Robert B. Dixon, W. H. Councell and W. S. Grace, 
Reps. 

Washington— W. B. Kelly, George A. Davis, George W. Pitt- 
man. Reps., and V. D. Miller, Dem. 



94 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Wicomico — E. E. Jackson, King V. White and Thomas J. 
Twilley, Dems. 

Worcester — B. Jones Taylor, J. T. Coston and Elijah T. 
Bowen, Dems. 

It was a session of factional strife, and there were some bitter 
struggles. Whyte, although defeated, was still a power and still 
had his friends, who were fiercely hostile toward Gorman and 
anything that Gorman wanted. A tremendous struggle ensued 
over the Police Reorganization bill and over the Police Commis- 
sioners. This was the session that saw the big fight made for 
reappointment as Police Commissioner of Gen. James R. Herbert, 
Gorman and Gorman's friends, one of whom was Edwin War- 
field, were for Bians. Failure to elect Mr. Bians was construed 
as a defeat for Mr. Gorman, and there was a general mixup. 
Jesse K. Hines, who had been a strong Gorman man at this 
session acted with Whyte, and the relations between him and 
the Gorman people were strained. Rasin was for Herbert. 
No one would tell where George Colton was. He had some votes 
and he could get some more. Mr. Rasin finally got him in line 
by having introduced by a city delegate a "public printing" 
bill which would have been exceedingly obnoxious to Colton, 
who was always interested in the public printing contract. By 
holding this bill over his head Rasin kept him in line. He 
worked the same plan with Mr. Colton later in reference to the 
reassessment bill, which he wanted to defeat. 

There was also a big fight over the new registration law 
and over the Supervisors of Election named by Hamilton. Al- 
together it was something of a reform session, and the fights 
were mainly over party promises and reform measures urged 
by Hamilton. Governor Hamilton toward the last was in poor 
health, and on the last day of the session Mr. Charles H. Stanley, 
who was in the House from Prince George's county, told this 
story. He met Governor Hamilton over at the executive man- 
sion, and Hamilton said : 

"Well, you are all going to get away from here today, are 
you ?" 

"Yes," said Mr. Stanley, "we adjourn today." 

"Well," replied Hamilton, "I will certainly be glad to 

see the last of you." 



CHAPTER X 



The Long and Bitter Warfare Between John K. Cowen and 
Arthur P. Gorman. 



It was in the campaign that followed the Legislature of 1882 
that there first came to the front in Maryland politics the for- 
midable figure of John K. Cowen, than whom there have been 
few more remarkable men in this or any other State. It was 
in the "New Judges" fight that he first took an active part in 
the politics of the city or State, but thereafter there were few 
campaigns in which his influence was not forcibly felt either 
openly or covertly. His was a tremendously potent figure and 
his impress upon the afifairs of Maryland was a deep and lasting 
one. 

There are many men in the State who consider John K. Cowen 
the intellectual superior of any man who ever lived in Maryland 
and who believe had he devoted himself to the service of the 
public with the same energy, devotion and ability he served the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company he could have been 
President of the United States. Those who knew him best 
are convinced that had he chosen a public career there would 
have been no limit to the heights he would have attained. In 
brains, courage, eloquence and force he was a wonderful man, 
possessing marvelous powers and talents such as are given to 
but few. The part he played in Maryland politics and the power 
he wielded have been but little understood and never fully told. 
It cannot be completely told even yet, and there are deals he put 
through that probably never will be revealed, but it is a fact 
that up to date, anyhow, the Republican party in Maryland 
never won a complete victory except when Cowen furnished 
the brains and the money for their fight. 

Mr. Cowen's father was an Irish blacksmith, who lived in 
the upper part of Cecil county. He moved to Ohio before John 
K. Cowen was born, and it was from that State that Mr. Cowen 

95 



96 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

went to Princeton University, where he was in college at the 
same time as Judge J. Upshur Dennis, Judge George L. Van- 
Bibber, Judge J. A. C. Bond and a number of other men prom- 
inent in Maryland today. There, too, were T. Harrison Garrett 
and Robert Garrett, who became his life-long friends and asso- 
ciates. 

Mr. Cowen's first appearance on the Princeton campus is 
described by those who saw him as a memorable one. It is said 
he wore a cheap straw hat, a muslin shirt, a black alpaca coat, a 
frayed linen vest, soiled linen trousers and cowhide boots. He 
was tall, gaunt, with reddish hair and a fringe of reddish whiskers 
encircling his face. In a word, he was a guy and he was guyed 
on the campus and in the classroom, when he first came in. The 
statement is made, however, that in the classroom when he was 
first called upon he arose and gave such a perfect recitation 
in Greek that the man who had been at the head of the class, 
realizing in a minute that all chance for the honors he coveted 
had gone, swooned. Cowen graduated from Princeton with 
the third highest honors ever obtained from that University. 
Aaron Burr obtained the first, Theodore Pryor, of Virginia, 
the second, and Cowen the third. It w^as while in Princeton, 
as has been stated, that Mr. Cowen formed his friendship with 
the Garretts. He was poor at the time and helped pay his way 
through the university by tutoring the Garretts. While at 
Princeton he took part in the Presidential campaign of 1868 and 
stumped part of New Jersey for Seymour, the Democratic can- 
didate. After his graduation he returned to Ohio and gained 
admittance to the bar there. 

When the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad determined to go 
West, John W. Garrett wanted a lawyer from that section, and 
on the suggestion of T. Harrison and Robert Garrett, tele- 
graphed Cowen to come on. Cowen appeared at the old Bal- 
timore and Ohio Building, dressed not very much better, it 
is said, than when he first entered Princeton, and still with his 
gaunt look. John W. Garrett came out of his office to meet 
him and was introduced by the late William Keyser, then Vice- 
President of the road. "Bill, he doesn't look much, does he ?" are 
said to have been Mr. Garrett's first words of greeting. Re- 




JOHN K. COWEN. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 97 

gardless of his looks, however, Mr. Cowen entered the employ 
of the road as assistant to John H. B. Latrobe, then its chief 
counsel and the father of Gen. Ferdinand C. Latrobe. He 
served it steadily and devotedly until it broke his heart and he 
died. His friends have always believed that it was his mind and 
his devotion that saved it from disaster not once or twice but 
many times and enabled it eventually to rise out of the mire into 
which it had sunk and attain its present greatness and strength. 

Although Mr. Cowen had played considerable politics in 
Maryland in the interests of the railroad prior to 1882, it was 
in the new judge fight that he first became conspicuous. Even 
in that, however, he did not enact the leading role he took in 
other fights, although he supported the new judge ticket with 
vigor and made a number of speeches, the most notable of 
which was at Hollins Hall, where, with Archibald Stirling, 
Sebastian Brown and J. S. Heuisler, he enthused a large crowd 
and unsparingly denounced the "ring" and its leaders. The 
chief object of attack in that fight was William Pinkney Whyte, 
then Mayor, and the man really back of the old judges. The 
real politics in the fight was the fact that Arthur P. Gorman was 
secretly behind the new judge movement, in which were enlisted 
all the professional reformers and the leading independents in 
the city, with one notable exception— Henry M. Warfield — who 
supported the old judges. Although out of the Senate and in a 
way sidetracked from State leadership by the mayoralty, Whyte 
still had many influential friends in politics throughout Maryland 
and one of the chief sources of his power was his closeness to 
the Supreme bench in the city, the members of which, it was 
claimed, were entirely subservient to him and completely under 
his control. One of them was his brother. 

Gorman recognized that so long as this situation existed 
Whyte must remain a factor. Therefore, when the new judge 
movement started, even though Rasin and the entire city or- 
ganization was on the other side. Gorman and Gorman's friends 
"under cover," of course, aided in every way they could that 
movement. Thus it was that John K. Cowen, William L. Mar- 
bury, Archibald H. Taylor, Charles J. Bonaparte, Major R. M. 
Venable, Joseph Packard, Randolph Barton and many others 



98 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

of the leading lawyers of the city played Gorman's game for 
him and really strengthened his hands when they crushed 
Whyte's power by defeating the old judge ticket. Probably 
they would have made the same fight had they known the real 
politics back of the two tickets because it was a far more vital 
matter to the members of the Baltimore bar that the bench 
should be removed from the "polluting touch of party politics," 
as Mr. Marbury expressed it in a speech in that fight, than that 
either Gorman's or Whyte's political prestige should be en- 
hanced, provided the enhancement did not come from the sub- 
serviency of the judges. The personnel of the candidates on 
the new judge ticket put this out of the question and if Gor- 
man's real attitude had been known it would have made no 
difference with these men. But it was not known and for that 
very reason was much more effective and forceful, contributing 
no little in bringing about the result. About his attitude there 
is no doubt. He was behind the independent movement from 
the start and he ardently desired and worked for the election 
of the new judge ticket, but he hid his hand so skillfully that 
as astute a gentleman as Major Richard M. Venable in a speech 
at Broadway institute, coupled Whyte and Gorman together and 
denounced them both as the bosses. 

It is said that Cowen was one of the few of those on the stump 
for the new Judge ticket who knew Gorman was back of it, and 
that its victory would strengthen Gorman as the State leader, but 
at that time the Baltimore and Ohio was not unfriendly to Gor- 
man, and it was to Whyte. It was in 1884 that the Baltimore 
and Ohio Railroad and Mr. Cowen turned on Mr. Gorman, and 
began to fight him with a bitterness and fervor that lasted for 
years. In the Legislature of that year the Pennsylvania Railroad 
had a bill designed to exempt two express trains from the law 
requiring the railroad to carry passengers without charge from 
one side of the Susquehanna river to the other. This bill was 
defeated and the Pennsylvania Railroad people foresaw that 
unless they became politically friendly with Mr. Gorman, and 
Mr. Gorman with them, their interests were likely to suffer at 
Annapolis. A political alliance was effected between Mr. Gor- 
man and the road and Mr. Gorman from then on was always 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 99 

friendly toward the Pennsylvania. As soon as the Baltimore 
and Ohio people realized this, it forced them to fight Gorman 
and they for years used every effort to break his power, but 
unsuccessfully. Notwithstanding Gorman's great strength in 
the organization and outside, Cowen's brains and ability as a 
fighter and the great power of the corporation he represented 
were gradually weakening him and making it more and more 
difficult for him to put things through in the State in the way 
he wanted. 

In 1891 Frank Brown became the candidate for Governor, and 
the Legislature of 1892 was the one in which Gorman's successor 
in the United States Senate had to be chosen. He had been re- 
elected in 1886, and this was now the close of his second term. 
The story is that Gorman was anxious to have as little trouble 
as possible and that at the beginning of the State campaign 
United States Senator Charles J. Faulkner, of West Virginia, 
a warm friend of Mr. Gorman's and a railroad man himself, 
went to Mr. Cowen and asked him to use his influence to have 
the Baltimore and Ohio withdraw its opposition to Gorman's 
re-election to the Senate and to Gorman's power in the State. It 
is stated that Mr. Cowen agreed to this with the understanding 
that the Baltimore and Ohio interests in the Legislature were 
not to be antagonized by the Democracy at Annapolis. At this 
time the Baltimore and Ohio had a number of important leg- 
islative matters in contemplation, such as the Belt Line tunnel 
and others. There was, it is said, an agreement made not to 
harass the Baltimore and Ohio at Annapolis. Frank Brown was 
nominated and enjoyed the unusual privilege of selecting his 
own opponent, it being well known that his friends were mainly 
responsible for the nomination of William Vannort, of Kent 
county, as the Republican candidate. Brown was elected almost 
without opposition by the overwhelming majority of 31,000, 
and the Legislature was overwhelmingly Democratic and for 
Gorman. Gorman was re-elected to the Senate and for several 
years thereafter matters in the Democratic party went along 
smoothly. There were no wild outbreaks of the independents, 
no formidable reform movements and no real dangers menacing 



100 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

the Gorman-Rasin control of the party. Cowen was quiet and the 
Baltimore and Ohio was satisfied. 

The break came in 1894. For some time prior to this the 
railroad companies in the East had a sort of pooling agreement, 
whereby they pooled their receipts and divided them pro rata. 
This caused a great deal of agitation and resentment. It was 
clearly illegal and yet was greatly desired by the railroads. In 
1894, after Cowen had been elected to Congress, but before he 
had taken his seat, a bill to legalize this pooling of reseipts, known 
as the Railroad Pooling bill, was introduced into Congress, and 
Mr. Cowen went to Washington to push it through. It was a tre- 
mendous fight, and Mr. Cowen, it is said, had engaged Mr. Rasin 
to aid in the fight. Mr. Rasin spent most of his time while the 
bill was under consideration in Washington, as did Mr. Cowen. 
On the floor of the House of Representatives Champ Clark, of 
Missouri, called Mr. Cowen down for "lobbying" for this bill on 
the floor. After a big struggle it was got through the House of 
Representatives and went to the Senate, where it was referred to 
the Committee on Commerce, of which Gen. M. C. Butler, of 
South Carolina, was chairman. Toward the close of the session 
General Butler called this bill up. Mr. Cowen was on hand, and 
Mr. Rasin, expectant and confident of easy victory, sat in the gal- 
lery. As soon as General Butler called for the bill Senator Gor- 
man rose from his chair. He was then the second man on the 
Committee on Appropriations. He said that he recognized that 
this bill was an important one, involving large interests, and that 
it should be passed. He said it was a meritorious measure — but 
— it was now near the close of the session, and there was scarcely 
time to give to the appropriation bills the consideration they de- 
manded. In the appropriation bills were involved matters of even 
more importance to the whole country, and under the circumstan- 
ces, therefore, deserving as the pooling bill was, he asked that the 
appropriation bills be given the right of way. That was all he 
did, but it was enough. The appropriation bills were taken up 
the other bill was sidetracked, and the session closed, and Con- 
gress adjourned without its ever again appearing. Gorman had 
simply killed it, and Mr. Rasin sat in the gallery and watched it 
die. It was a great shock to him. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 101 

It has been said — with what truth it is impossible to say — that 
had the bill passed Mr. Rasin's fee was to have been $75,000, 
and it is further said that he never did really forgive Mr. Gorman 
for his course in this matter. Certainly Mr. Cowen never did. 
He regarded the understanding with his road as having been vio- 
lated, and coming back to Maryland the next year jumped into 
the fight against Mr. Gorman and his ticket, and fought him 
with extreme bitterness to the day of his death. It was Cowen's 
brains and the money that Cowen raised that, more than any 
other agency but one, beat the Democratic party in 1895, and 
the same was true in 1897, when Gorman was defeated for re- 
election to the Senate. It was Cowen who more than any other 
single individual placed the Republican party in power from 
1895 to 1899, giving to the Republicans the only Governor and 
the only two Mayors they have elected since the Civil War. It 
was he who organized, directed and financed those fights, and 
it was he who led the insurgent forces on the stump. He was the 
brains and the backbone of these campaigns, and daringly and 
brilliantly he led them. Also it was he who managed and mon- 
eyed the fights of 1896 and 1900 against William Jennings Bryan 
in Maryland, and the last public speech he ever made was made in 
the 1900 fight at a big massmeeting in the Lyric. It was a mas- 
terful and magnificent speech, in which he lampooned The Sun, 
which was then supporting Bryan, and riddled "the Peerless 
One" with sarcasm and scorn. 

One of the greatest political speeches Cowen ever made in his 
life, and one that more clearly showed his courage and personal 
magnetism than any other, was made in 1895 in Westminster. At 
the regular election in 1895 in Carroll county, Pinkney J. Ben- 
nett had been elected on the Democratic ticket to the State Sen- 
ate. A few weeks later he died, and the Democrats, calling a 
special convention, nominated Dr. Joshua W. Hering, the present 
State Comptroller. A special election was to be held and the 
campaign, although short, was hot. Mr. Cowen was an admirer 
and friend of Dr. Hering, and was invited to come to West- 
minster and make an address in his behalf. Fresh from his 
battle against the "ring" throughout the State, John E. Hurst 
having been defeated for Governor, and the State turned over 



102 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

to the Republican party, he came to Westminster to face a crowd 
of regular organization Democrats. 

When he was introduced and walked to the front of the stage, 
it was apparent that his audience was an intensely hostile one. 
They looked upon Cowen as the man who had committed, to 
them, the unpardonable crime of turning the State over to the Re- 
publicans. Mr. Cowen faced the crowd and folded his arms. The 
animosity toward him was open. The crowd was sullen and 
resentful. His first words were: 'T have no apologies to make." 
He then began his speech and the crowd sat tense, thrilled and 
interested, rapidly forgetting its hostility in the charm of the 
man. As he went on and on, they grew more and more inter- 
ested, and when he wanted to stop they refused to let him. He 
spoke on and on, swaying the crowd with him to a man. He tried 
repeatedly to stop, but the outburst of protest prevented, and he 
spoke for three hours and a half, it being nearly midnight 
when he finally closed, with the cheers and enthusiastic plau- 
dits of the big crowd ringing in his ears. During the whole 
course of his speech not a man left the hall, and at the end no 
man withheld from him the tribute the speech compelled. 

It is said that no greater tribute to a public speaker has ever 
been paid in Maryland than was paid John K. Cowen that night 
in Westminster by this audience of organization Democrats, who 
started out by hating him, then refused to let him stop speaking, 
and at the close of three hours and a half gave him as enthusi- 
astic ovation as could have been given any man. 

Another spectacular incident of Mr. Cowen's political career 
occurred in the Brown-Hodges fight of 1885, when he supported 
Judge Brown, the independent candidate for Mayor as against 
Mr. Hodges, who, although he had been a rampant reformer, 
had been taken up and nominated by Mr. Rasin for the Mayor- 
alty. It was in this fight that Slater and Morrison supported 
Brown, and Rasin had the biggest battle of his career, the suc- 
cessful termination of which crushed out all real opposition to 
his leadership within the organization, and left his rivals with- 
out a leg to stand on. It was in this campaign that Mr. Cowen, 
at a big massmeeting in the interest of Judge Brown's candidacy, 
had "Bill" Harig, the man who shot and killed James J. Mahon, 
and "Charlie" Goodman appear on the stage and tell of the 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 103 

frauds they had practiced, the tricks turned and the repeating 
done by them at the instance of the "ring" and for the "ring" 
candidates. The recital of these things by these two men, both of 
whom are Hving today, was a thrilHngly dramatic one. Mr. 
Cowen stage-managed the whole thing, and it was about as effect- 
ive a political bomb as has ever been exploded in Maryland, al- 
though it did not succeed in electing Judge Brown. Exactly how 
he secured the confessions from Harig and Goodman, and what 
inducements were used to persuade them to appear on the stage 
and relate these things, are not, of course, known, and can only 
be surmised, but the whole affair created a tremendous sensation, 
and frightfully alarmed the politicians, who were uncertain as 
to what would be sprung next. 

There was also the time when Mr. Cowen, in 1887, went into 
the Republican State Convention, carrying with him the Inde- 
pendent Democratic vote, and there made a dramatic speech, 
with the promise of delivering it to the Republican candidate. 

Other instances of his originality, daring and brilliancy in play- 
ing politics could be multiplied, and others will be told later. 
This sketch and these incidents of his career have been given 
because it was in the new judges' fight that he first appeared on 
the stump in a political campaign in Maryland; and it is the de- 
tailed story of that fight which will be told of in the next 
chapter. 



CHAPTER XL 



The New Judgeship Fight and Its Significance — Bernard Carter 
and the Part He Played. 



The "new judges" fight was one of the really epoch-making 
political battles of Baltimore, although it had a Statewide sig- 
nificance. It was the first campaign in which the Baltimore Sun 
made a fight outside the lines of the Democratic party. It marked 
the first defeat of the "ring" and the first success of an independ- 
ent movement in the State since the Civil War. It marked the 
end of the dominance of United States Senator, then Mayor, 
William Pinkney Whyte in the local organization and it made 
clear for the first time the fact that no matter what else they 
would stand the independent voters and the independent press 
of the city will always insist upon the divorcement of politics 
from the Supreme Bench. It was a lesson that was driven home 
hard, and that has never been forgotten by the politicians. 

Occasionally since, it has had to be repeated in small doses 
when here and there an isolated attempt to inject politics into 
the judiciary has been made, but the temper of the people was 
so unmistakably indicated in that fight that the hope of obtaining 
a subservient bench has never since been seriously entertained 
by either the Republican or Democratic managers. It was a 
great fight and a great victory, big with significance and far- 
reaching in its results. Perhaps its success would not have been 
so overwhelming had not the "ring" been, to some extent, divided 
and had not the independent movement and judicial ticket been 
secretly backed and supported by United States Senator Gorman. 
That was the real inside politics in the fight. 

Everyone knows now that Gorman was behind the independent 
movement. At the time there were exceedingly few who knew 
it, and Mr. Gorman, without a word, took his share of abuse from 
the independent orators on the stump along with Whyte and 
Rasin. All the time he was working assiduously to elect the 

104 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 105 

new judge ticket. And his reason was that he reaHzed the defeat 
of the old judges meant the end of Whyte as a poHtical factor, 
the removing of the last chance of his again rising to the front 
as a State leader and a United States Senatorial possibility. 
There are some who took part in that fight who also believe 
that Mr. Rasin was not wholly at heart for the old judge ticket, 
but this belief does not seem to be borne out by the facts, and 
the chances are that Mr. Rasin was sincerely for the old judges. 

The biggest figure in this fight was that of Mr. Bernard Carter. 
He really led the independent movement and took a more prom- 
inent and active part in that campaign than he has in any other. 
He spoke in every ward in the city and worked night and day 
for the success of the new judges. He canvassed the whole 
town and aroused the greatest enthusiasm wherever he spoke. 
It was the first time he had ever failed in support of the can- 
didates of the organization, but having taken his stand he went 
the limit and no one denounced the "ring" and the bosses, their 
methods and their men more vehemently and unsparingly than 
he. 

The chief object of attack in the fight was Mayor Whyte, who 
it was alleged, controlled the Supreme Bench, and whose desire to 
re-elect the incumbent judges was attributed to the wish to per- 
petuate his political power in the city. The three judges whose 
terms expired in 1882 and who immediately became candidates for 
renomination with the support of Mr. Whyte and the city or- 
ganization were Judges Robert Gilmor, Henry F. Garey and 
Campbell W. Pinkney. The latter was the brother of Mr. Whyte. 

Early in the summer the agitation against the renomination of 
the old judges began and other aspirants for the nominations 
made their appearance. The Sun began the fight by demanding 
fair primaries under the new law that had been passed at Annap- 
olis in the Legislature of 1882. Editorial after editorial was pub- 
lished pointing out that fraudulent primaries under the old method 
would arouse a resentment among the people that would invite 
party disaster. The bosses paid no attention, and interviews 
and letters began to appear from the leading men of the party de- 
nouncing the management and calling upon them to come out in 
the open with their scheme to retain and perpetuate a siibser- 



106 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

vient bench. These utterances fell upon deaf ears and the pri- 
maries held on October 5 were held in the same old way and 
proved a walkover for the machine ticket. Only 8,000 votes were 
polled in the whole city, and Mr. William A. Stewart, who was 
an independent candidate in the primaries, was overwhelmingly 
defeated. United States Senator Isidor Rayner was on the tick- 
et in the primaries as a delegate to the convention from the 
Twelfth ward, but was knocked out by the late Morris A. Thom- 
as, then the organization leader of the ward. Mr. Rayner the day 
after the primaries published a card in which he said Mr. Whyte 
had asked him to go to the convention and denounce Morris 
Thomas and the organization leaders for not permitting him to do 
so. Mr. Thomas replied to this in a card in which he character- 
ized Mr. Rayner's conduct as puerile and there was a hot inter- 
change of compliments between them. 

In the convention held on October 6 the three old judges — 
Gilmor, Garey and Pinkney — were renominated, and the fourth 
nominee was the late William A. Fisher. The convention was 
run by Rasin, Joseph Whyte, Slater, Thomas Wilkinson and 
other of the organization leaders. Rasin, Morrison, Slater and 
Thomas sat in a box at Ford's Opera House, where the conven- 
tion was held. Joseph Whyte, son of Mayor Whyte, was con- 
spicuous as a delegate from the Eleventh ward and the floor 
leader of the gathering. 

Mr. William A. Stewart's name was presented by his friends 
and received with tremendous enthusiasm in the galleries and by 
the spectators. He, however, received but 26 votes. To him 
and his friends is given the real credit of starting the independ- 
ent movement that led to the election of the new judge ticket. 
Had the organization convention dropped one of the three old 
judges and nominated Stewart with Fisher, there would have 
been no revolt and the ticket would have been easily elected. 

As it was, immediately following the nomination of Gilmor, 
Garey, Campbell and Fisher the independent movement started. 
It took definite shape on October 14, when an appeal to the 
people to defeat the old judge ticket and put up one of their 
own was published in The Sun, signed by more than 300 of the 
most representative men in the city, including many regular 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 107 

Democrats who had always been with the organization — men 
such as Bernard Carter, Lloyd L. Jackson and William Keyser. 
Two days later a call for a meeting of citizens was issued, signed 
by John E. Hurst, William Keyser, Thomas Deford, John B. 
Dixon and William H. Baldwin. They met — an enthusiastic 
crowd of them — in the Concordia Opera House on October i8. 
Some of those present were William S. Rayner, J. S. Whedbee, 
W. A. Marburg, August Vogeler, J. Wilcox Brown, Henry C. 
Wright, Dr. Milton N. Taylor, W. Burns Trundle, A. K. Foard, 
Andrew Reid, W. T. Dixon, Joseph Packard, Randolph Barton, 
H. Hochheimer, John S. Gilmor, W. A. Boyd, Joshua Horner, 
John A. Hambleton, W. H. Crawford, William T. Malster, 
James Carroll, S. E. Egerton, C. Morton Stewart, B. F. New- 
comer, George S. Brown, Richard D. Fisher, Henry Slingluff, 
Henry Clark, William H. Perkins, Wendell Bollman, J. Wesley 
Guest, John R. Whitridge and Richard Cromwell. 

Speeches were made by Messrs. J. Hall Pleasants, Major 
Richard M. Venable, Robert D. Morrison, William Keyser and 
others. Major Venable denounced Gorman and Whyte as Demo- 
cratic bosses and Fulton and Creswell as Republican bosses and 
gave this advice: "When you see a boss hit him.'' He de- 
clared that Mr. Fisher had been nominated on the old judge ticket 
by the "malodorous managers to act as a disinfectant." After 
much speechmaking and enthusiasm the gathering got down to 
business and nominated as independent candidates for judge 
William A. Fisher, William A. Stewart, Edward Duffy and 
Charles E. Phelps. 

The night following — October 19 — the Republican Judicial 
Convention met and unanimously indorsed the new judge ticket 
declining to put up candidates of their own. Later they re- 
scinded this indorsement and, under the influence of R. Stock- 
ett Matthews and the Baltimore American, a straight-out 
Republican ticket was put in the field. The better element 
among the Republicans, however, stuck manfully to the independ- 
ent ticket and refused to vote for their party nominees, who cut a 
ridiculous figure in the election, polling not over 1,200 votes. 

From this date on to the end the campaign waged hotly. Mr. 
Carter took the lead, and from one end of the town to the other 



108 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

his denunciation of the bosses and the subserviency of the old 
judges rang out. In one speech, after predicting the over- 
whelming victory for the new judge ticket and the removal of 
the bench from politics, he declared, "and when this has been 
accomplished it will be the duty of every decent man to keep up 
the fight until we have taken out of the hands of the men who 
make merchandise of it the management of our party. If this 
be treason, let them make the most of it." The biggest and best 
men in Baltimore flocked to the support of the new ticket, took 
the stump for it and contributed their money in its support. 
The Sun was the real backbone of the fight, and daily thundered 
against the iniquities of the bosses and the necessity of defeating 
them at the polls. 

John K. Cowen, Charles Marshall, Archibald Stirling, J. S. 
Heuisler, William L. Marbury, Sebastian Brown, R. D. Mor- 
rison, Henry C. Kennard, William J. O'Brien, Archibald H. 
Taylor and others took the stump and the town rang with their 
speeches. Mr. Charles J. Bonaparte was one of the conspicuous 
Republicans who supported the new judge ticket, and there were 
a number of others on the stump, while thousands of Republicans 
voted for it, ignoring their own party judicial ticket. About the 
only prominent reformer who did not support the independent 
movement was Mr. Henry M. Warfield, father of Mr. S. Davies 
Warfield and twice a candidate for Mayor on independent tickets. 
Mr. Warfield had for years vigorously fought the "ring" and 
denounced the ringsters, but in this campaign he supported the 
old judges and he, with Mayor Whyte, spoke at a big mass- 
meeting in the interests of the organization ticket. 

Another big figure in the reform element that took no active 
part in support of the independent movement was Mr. S. 
Teackle Wallis. At the beginning of the fight Mr. Wallis' aid 
was sought by the leaders in the movement, but he refused to 
give it. Later he came out in a letter published in The Sun in 
which he declared that while his inclinations and sympathies were 
with the new judge ticket, private and personal reasons would 
prevent him from giving that ticket his active support and would 
preclude his taking any active part in the fight. And he did not 
take any part, making not a single speech. He was, however, 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 109 

practically alone in this, as scarcely any other well-known man 
with independent tendencies, Mr. Warfield excepted, but lined 
up with the new judge movement. 

While the campaign was at its hottest a scheme to bring in 
hundreds of repeaters from outside the city was uncovered, and 
charges of being implicated in this scheme were laid against 
"Sol" Freburger, then a member of the detective force and later 
judge of the Appeal Tax Court. Freburger denied the charges, 
and there was a trial before the Police Board which aroused 
intense interest and excitement. The Evening News was then a 
Democratic organization paper and supported the old judge 
ticket, and it was charged that the American lent what aid it 
could to the old judge cause through friendship toward Mayor 
Whyte. The organization made a tremendous fight, calling to 
the front its best speakers and bringing in outside orators to help 
things along, but the independents and The Sun tore the mask 
off the whole business, and before election day the local leaders 
realized that defeat stared them in the face. 

In that campaign a spade was called a spade and the "ring" 
got a roasting the like of which it has not got since, except in 
1895. So formidable were the forces behind the new judge 
ticket and so many organization men were lined up with that 
movement that the organization leaders did not attempt fraud 
either through fear or a realization of its uselessness and the 
election which was held on November 7 resulted in the sweeping 
victory for the new judge ticket by more than 11,000 majority. 
Judge Fisher was on both tickets and of course had no opposition, 
save from the regular Republican nominees, who amounted to 
so little that no one now can remember their names. So little 
figure did they cut that people forgot they were running. 

The fight was so intense that it completely overshadowed the 
Congressional candidates who were running at the same time. 
Those elected at the same election as the new judges were: 

First District — George C. Covington. 

Second— J. F. C. Talbott. 

Third— Fetter S. Hoblitzell. 

Fourth — John V. L. Findlay. 

Fifth— Hart B. Holton. 



110 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Sixth — Louis E. McComas. 

In this election the Republicans gained another Congressman 
— this time from the Fifth district, where Mr. Holton defeated 
A. J. Chapman. Mr. Holton later became the Republican candi- 
date for Governor, and was one of the best-known men in his 
party at the time. This was the second election of Mr. McComas 
and the first of Mr. Findlay. Mr. Findlay was elected as a Demo- 
crat and then re-elected as a Democrat. In those days he was as 
staunch a Democrat as could be found, and it was some years 
later that he became a Republican. 

Other judges elected at this election outside of Baltimore city 
were as follows : 

Second Circuit— John M. Robinson, Joseph A. Wickes and 
Frederick Stump. 

Third — George Yellott and David Fowler. 

Fourth — Richard H. Alvey and A. K. Syester. 

Fifth — Oliver Miller, I. Thomas Jones and John E. Smith, 

Sixth — John A. Lynch and John T. Vinson. 

Seventh — J. Parran Crane. 

There were no State candidates on the ticket, and what national 
issues there were were completely obscured by the smoke of the 
new judge fight in Baltimore city. The part Mr. Gorman played 
in the independent movement there was an exceedingly skillful 
and quiet one, but it was none the less effective and forceful. As 
a result, it left him supreme in the State as the leader, with no 
possibility of Whyte rising again, either as a candidate or as a 
manager. With his term as Mayor near its close, and the new 
judges anything but friendly to him, his strength had been sap- 
ped, and from that time on to his death, while he always re- 
mained a towering figure in the party, and held many offices, he 
never had sufficient following to make himself a real factor with- 
in the party organization. There have been, however, one or two 
occasions where fear of what he might do with his personal popu- 
larity after the nominations had been made has deterred the man- 
agers from doing certain tilings. Some five years later he was 
nominated for Attorney-General and elected. Other offices came 
to him even after that, and there were not many years of his life 
after he reached manhood in which he was out of office. He died 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POL'ITICS. Ill 

holding the greatest one he ever held, but it was an accident and 
a matter of sentiment that he was made United States Senator to 
fill the vacancy caused by Mr. Gorman's death. At the time 
Governor Warfield named him for the place it was recognized as 
distinctly a nonpolitical appointment urged upon him by news- 
paper influences. Had Mr. Warfield wanted to play politics at 
the time, he would have named Ex-Governor E. E. Jackson. 
What many Democrats wanted him to do was to appoint Gen- 
eral L. Victor Baughman, at that time the most personally pop- 
ular Democrat in the State. Mr. Whyte and Mr. Rasin all their" 
lives remained on fairly friendly terms, and it was really Mr. 
Rasin who brought about his nomination for Attorney-Gener- 
al five years after the new judge fight. 

Just before the new judge ticket was elected a Councilmanic 
election was held, and in this the organization was successful, the 
independent element being too much concerned about the judicial 
ticket to pay much attention to anything else. John J. Mahon 
was returned to the First Branch and Major James W. Denny 
was elected from the Twelfth ward, with McHenry Howard from 
the Eleventh and Dr. John D. Blake from the Sixteenth. Mr. 
John T. Ford and John F. Weyler were also elected at the time. 

This was the year in which Grover Cleveland was a candidate 
for the second time for Governor in New York, and he was just 
beginning to be considered a Presidential possibility. Over in 
the United States Senate Mr. Gorman's ability, even though the 
Administration was Republican, was pushing him to the front, 
and, although he had been in the Senate but a year or two, he 
was already recognized as one of the strongest and most resource- 
ful of the Democratic Senators. His knowledge of parliamentary 
law, his calmness and judgment, made him one of the Demo- 
cratic leaders in the Senate, and his advice and counsel were 
already being sought by those in authority. In the next year he 
gained even greater prestige, but it was only after the nomina- 
tion of Cleveland at Chicago, in 1884, that he really became a 
big national figure. It was his brain that managed the Demo- 
cratic national campaign of that year, and to him generally, as 
chairman of the National Executive Committee, was accorded the 
credit for the Democratic victory of that year, which gave the 



112 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

party its first President since the Civil War. Then it was that 
not only the State, but the nation rang with praise of Gorman, 
his courage, astuteness and ability. In all the turmoil and excite- 
ment of national politics, however, Mr. Gorman never lost sight 
for a minute of the situation in Maryland. Although in Wash- 
ington and New York most of the time, he kept in constant touch 
with conditions here, and overlooked no points in the game calcu- 
lated to strengthen him at home. 

In the next chapter the story of the nomination of Robert Mc- 
Lane as Governor, and the events leading up to the election of 
Cleveland, one result of which was to give to the Democrats in 
Maryland the Federal offices for the first time in a generation,, 
will be told. 



CHAPTER XII. 



How Robert M. McLane Became Governor and E. K. Wilson 
Got a Senatorship. 



In the summer of 1883, at a conference held in Baltimore, at 
which were present Senator Gorman, Jesse K. Hines, I. Free- 
man Rasin and J. F, C. Talbott, it was decided to nominate Rob- 
ert M. McLane for Governor. 

The selection was rather forced on Gorman by Mr. Rasin and 
Mr. Talbott, the latter being always a friend of McLane's, and 
the former having picked him as an easy winner, with more than 
enough respectability to carry the city ticket through. McLane 
was an aristocrat — a fine, capable, qualified man, with high politi- 
cal ambitions, and even then an aspirant for the United States 
Senate. There is no question that he accepted the nomination 
for Governor with a view of using the office as a stepping-stone 
to the Senate. Gorman was not at all deceived as to this, but 
reckoned himself able to care for that contingency when it arose. 
Mr. Talbott and Mr. McLane had served in Congress together, 
and were great personal friends. An indication of their relations 
was given by McLane soon after he became Governor. Some 
Baltimore county Democrats, not friends of Mr. Talbott, called 
on the Governor in Annapolis to talk with him about appoint- 
ments. 'T will not," said Governor McLane emphatically, "ap- 
point any man to office in Baltimore county who is not a friend of 
Frederick Talbott," and, what is more, he never did. 

After the conference, at which it was determined to nominate 
McLane, the word was sent down the line, and the organization 
swung in behind his candidacy. Hamilton was not openly a can- 
didate for renomination, although he would have liked it. The 
party managers, however, did not want him as Governor four 
years before, and they wanted him still less now. To a man the 
leaders were against him. Yet he had a strength and a following 
among the people that could not be discounted. 

113 



114 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

In a great many respects Hamilton's candidacy for Governor, 
his nomination, his election, his course and his retirement were 
analogous wfth that of Edwin Warfield, 25 years later. When 
Hamilton first made a fight for the nomination in 1875 he was 
defeated by the machine, just as Warfield was defeated in his first 
candidacy in 1899. Four years later his nomination was practi- 
cally forced on the leaders by the exigencies of the situation, just 
as Hamilton's was forced in 1879. At the close of their respect- 
ive terms Hamilton and Warfield, both of whom would have 
been glad to have served again as Governor, retired from the 
office strong with the people, but with their party organization 
hostile from top to bottom, with a hostility that rendered it im- 
possible for them to have been renominated, even had they chosen 
to make an open fight. Another analogous feature between the 
two men as Governor was the fact that Hamilton stood aloof, 
and took no part in the Senatorial contest between Gorman and 
Whyte that occurred during his administration, just as Warfield 
kept hands off and entirely away from the fight between Smith 
and Rayner that marked the first session of the Legislature after 
he went to Annapolis as Governor. There are a number of points, 
however, where the analogy disappears, and these will be pointed 
out when the time comes to take up the story of the Warfield 
administration. 

Hamilton's friends, like those of Governor Warfield, although 
their man was not a candidate, did not fail to let their dissatis- 
faction be known. They called themselves the Anti-ring Democ- 
racy, and held various meetings, one of which was at the home 
of John Stewart. There gathered James Hodges, Gen. Brad- 
ley T. Johnson, Lewis N. Hopkins, Stephen Bonsai, John Gill, 
William Piatt, Thomas McCosker, William F. McKewen and 
J. O. Stafford. They strongly indorsed Hamilton's course, 
denounced the "Ring," and demanded the election of unpledged 
delegates to the State convention. Notwithstanding the analo- 
gous nature of the two administrations. Governor Warfield, then 
the State Senator from Howard county, was not a Hamilton man 
in this campaign. At this time he was the strong personal and 
political friend of Mr. Gorman, and was with him in all things 
political. Vaiious other meetings of the Hamilton men 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. !!» 

were held, and quite a little noise was made in the newspapers 
and on the stump, but the thing had been securely fixed at that 
summer conference, and on September i6 the primaries were 
held in Baltimore, and McLane's delegates carried every district. 
A solidly pledged delegation went to the State convention for 
him, and that was all there was to it. 

The convention met on September 19. The night before the 
convention, when the usual crowd gathered at Barnum's Hotel, 
McLane let it be known for the first time that he was uncertain 
whether or not he would accept the nomination. For a while 
this threw the leaders up in the air, but after several hasty con- 
ferences it was determined to go ahead anyhow and nominate 
him, unless he absolutely declined. In the event of an absolute 
declination upon the part of McLane, the nomination was to have 
gone to the late William Keyser, who was ambitious in that 
direction. In the morning, however, McLane's hesitation left 
him, the Keyser idea was dropped and the track cleared. 

Senator Gorman, as chairman of the State Central Committee, 
called the convention to order, and some of those present were 
Ex-Governor John Lee Carroll, Congressman J. F. C. Talbott, 
Fetter S. Hoblitzell, George W. Covington, John V. L. Findlay, 
Thomas J. Keating, I. Freeman Rasin, Barnes Compton, Lewis 

C. Smith, Charles B. Roberts, Gen. E. E. L. Hardcastle, Henry 

D. Farnandis, Henry Lloyd, of Dorchester; Edward Lloyd, of 
Talbot; George Peter, of Montgomery; E. W. Le Compte, of 
Dorchester; J. Frank Turner, of Easton; Edwin Warfield, of 
Howard ; William M. Knight, of Cecil ; Levin Woolford, Judge 
Watters, of Harford ; Frank A. Bond, of Anne Arundel ; R. W. 
Dashiell, of Somerset ; H. H. Keedy, of Washington ; Elihu E. 
Jackson, Spencer C. Jones, Frank T. Shaw, R. A. Dobbin, John 
Stewart, L. Victor Baughman, Buchanan Schley, of Washington ; 
I. E. Mattingly, George W. Spencer and G. S. Hamill, of Garrett. 
Dr. William H. Cole acted as secretary and Ex-Governor Philip 
F. Thomas presided. 

Mr. McLane was nominated by Joseph H. Bradley, of Mont- 
gomery county, and Mr. Thomas C. Weeks, of Baltimore, sec- 
onded the nomination. In the platform was a labor plank, and 
upon this plank Mr. Weeks spoke, declaring his belief that Mr. 



116 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

McLane would live up to this plank, and saying that if he did 
not so believe he would not vote for him. The name of Mr. 
Charles B. Roberts, of Carroll, which had been spoken of in con- 
nection with the Gubernatorial nomination, was not presented, 
but the Queen Anne's delegation placed in nomination Col. Wil- 
liam McKenney, of that county. There was but one ballot — Mc- 
Lane, 963^ ; McKenny, 20)^. After this vote McLane's nomina- 
tion was made unanimous. There were three candidates for 
Comptroller— J. Frank Turner, of Easton; Dr. W. H. Gale, of 
Somerset, and E. W. LeCompte, of Dorchester. Mr. Turner 
was nominated on the second ballot, and Mr. Charles B. Rob- 
erts was then named for Attorney-General without opposition. 

The Republican State Convention met shortly afterward and 
nominated this ticket: 

For Governor — Hart B. Hoi ton. 

For Attorney-General — R. Stockett Matthews. 

For Comptroller — Dr. Washington A. Smith. 

Henry Stockbridge, called the convention to order as chairman 
of the State Central Committee, and J. Morrison Harris, father 
of the present Postmaster of Baltimore, presided. He was nom- 
inated for presiding officer by Mr. William M. Marine, of Har- 
ford, who secured three cheers for the "Ex-Governor of Mary- 
land." General Thomas J. Shryock, Joshua Horner, R. A. Dunn 
and other prominent Republicans attended and took an active 
part in the proceedings. 

After the two conventions factional feeling in the Democratic 
ranks subsided. The Sun appeared satisfied with the ticket, and 
strongly commended the nomination of Mr. McLane, 

So far as the State fight was concerned, the election of the 
Democratic candidates was conceded, and interest centered on 
the municipal campaign which preceded it. On October 4th Gen- 
eral F. C. Latrobe came out of his brief period of retirement, 
while Mr. Whyte was Mayor, and was nominated for the May- 
oralty by his party. The convention was presided over by Wil- 
liam Keyser, who was then chairman of the Democratic City 
Executive Committee. Almost immediately an independent move- 
ment started for the nomination of J. Monroe Heiskell, and a 
revolt of some proportions against Latrobe and the organization 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 117 

behind him was on. The organization had named Charles G. 
Kerr as its candidate for State's Attorney and Colonel Eugene T. 
Joyce for Sheriflf. It was just about this time that "Bill" Harig, 
who three years ago shot and killed James J. Mahon, shot "Ji"^" 
Busey. The shooting occurred right in front of the City Hall, 
and Warden John F. Weyler, then a City Councilman, and a 
thoroughly practical politician, was with Busey. The two men had 
been for years bitter enemies, and had fought each other fiercely 
in the primaries over the nomination for Sheriff. Harig was a 
supporter of Dr. Donavin and Busey was for Joyce. Harig fired 
three shots at Busey. He was arrested, but Busey lived — and 
is still living — and he got off. 

Considerable political capital was made of the Busey-Harig 
affray by the independents, and the movement for the nomination 
of Heiskell grew apace. He was urged to become an independ- 
ent candidate by such men as S. Teackle Wallis, Charles Mar- 
shall, Henry C. Kennard, C. Morton Stewart, Joshua Levering, 
Major Richard M. Venable, Charles J. Bonaparte, Judge John 
Upshur Dennis, T. Wallis Blackistone, Arthur George Brown and 
others. Finally Heiskell formally announced his acceptance of 
the independent nomination, and the fight was on. A fusion 
was made with the Republicans, by which they agreed to support 
Heiskell, placing no candidate of their own in the field, and to 
take as their share a portion of the other nominations, which 
were to receive the independent support. It was a clear political 
deal, and it was partially successful. At this time William F. 
Airey, afterward United States Marshal, was chairman of the 
Republican City Executive Committee, and was just becoming 
prominent in the organization. He landed the fusion nomination 
for Sheriff and was elected, too. Mr. Bernard Carter in this fight 
was back in the organization fold, after having brilliantly led the 
fight against the organization in the new judges' campaign the 
year before, and took the stump for both McLane and Latrobe. 
With the two candidates he made a great speech on the night of 
October i8th, in the old Masonic Temple. This was said by many 
who heard it to have been one of the best speeches Mr. Carter 
ever made. 

For the independents and the Republicans Latrobe was the 



118 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

shining target, and he came in for more abuse and denunciation 
in that fight than in nearly any of the many in which he figured 
as a candidate. Mr. WaUis, his old enemy, bitterly assailed him, 
and he was held up to scorn in every ward in the city. Colonel 
Charles Marshall on the stump and in an open letter accused him 
of having the previous year voted for the old judge ticket, and 
contributed money for the new judge ticket. Mr. Latrobe denied 
that he had voted the old judge ticket, and said he had supported 
the new judges, both with a contribution and his vote. Colonel 
Marshall then obtained letters from Mr. George R. Gaither and 
Mr. Jordan Stabler, who were judges of election in Mr. Latrobe's 
precinct, both of whom stated that they had seen his ballot, and 
believed firmly that it was the old judge ticket he had voted. Mr. 
Joseph Whyte, son of William Pinkney Whyte, was also called 
by Colonel Marshall as a witness, and he stated that unless Mr. 
Latrobe had voted the old judge ticket he had certainly deceived 
him. Altogether, they made things right warm for the General 
in that fight, but he took it with his usual serenity, and when 
election day came — October 25 — he had the votes. His major- 
ity, however, was only 3,485, the smallest obtained by him in any 
fight he had made. 

At this election John J. Mahon, who had served numerous 
terms as a member of the First Branch City Council, graduated 
into the Second Branch, where he represented the Ninth and 
Tenth wards. It was about this time that Judge Bartol, of the 
Court of Appeals, resigned because of ill health, and the Demo- 
crats nominated William Shepard Bryan, father of Ex-Attorney- 
General Bryan, and then one of the leading lawyers of the State. 
Mr. Bryan was elected over Judge Schmucker, who ran against 
him. This was the year, too, that James Bond, now a member of 
the Liquor License Board, was nominated by Mr. Rasin for Clerk 
of the Superior Court, and was elected, having been ridiculed ex- 
tensively by Mr. Wallis as a "Rasin henchman." Airey defeated 
Joyce for Sheriflf by about 1,000, but the Democratic majority for 
McLane and the State ticket was over 12,000. 

The Republicans came far closer to having a majority in the 
Senate than they had had since the war, the Democrats having 
the bare constitutional majority of 14. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 119 

The personnel of the Senate at the session of tlie Legislature— 
1884 — that followed was: 

Allegany — William Brace, Republican. 

Anne Arundel — Nicholas Brewer, Republican. 

Baltimore County — Charles Bohn Slingluif. 

Baltimore City — Harry Welles Rusk, Thomas G. Hayes and 
John Gill, Jr., Democrats. 

Calvert — Edward H. Ireland, Republican. 

Carroll— T. Herbert Shriver, Democrat. 

Caroline — Andrew B. Rose, Republican. 

Cecil — Levi R. Mearn, Democrat. 

Charles — F. M. Lancaster, Republican. 

Dorchester — Henry Lloyd, Democrat. 

Garrett — William R. Getty, Democrat. 

Frederick — Noah Bowlus, Democrat. 

Howard — Edwin Warfield, Democrat. 

Harford— Edward M. Allen, Republican. 

Kent — W. D. Burchinal, Republican, 

Montgomery — Joseph T. Moore, Republican. 

Prince George's — R. H. Magruder, Republican. 

Queen Anne's — William T. P. Turpin, Democrat. 

St. Mary's — Joseph S. Allston, Republican. 

Somerset — Thomas S. Hodson, Republican. 

Washington — J. Clarence Lane, Democrat. 

Wicomico — Elihu E. Jackson, Democrat. 

Talbot — L Davis Clark, Republican. 

Worcester — George W. Bishop, Democrat. 

In the House the Republican showing was not nearly so good 
as in the Senate. 

There were 63 Democrats to 28 Republicans. The personnel 
of the House of Delegates that year was as follows : 

Allegany — Hector Cochrane, Republican; C. F. Hetzell, Re- 
publican; E. T. White, Republican; P. A. Crowe, Democrat. 

Anne Arundel — J. Wirt Randall, George D. Lyles, Dr. Henry 
Gantt, U. G. Owings, Republicans. 

Baltimore City — Thomas Garrison, Edward D. Fitzgerald, 
Edward I. Clark, John Herman Rothert, John Q. Robson, Chas. 
H. Evans, John H. Handy, Joshua Plaskitt, Charles Schultz, 



120 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Dr. Joseph Pembroke Thorn, Rudolph W. Gunther, Jr., Charles 
J. Wiener, Walter L. Virtue, Edward R. Davis, P. J. Brandy, 
J. J. Curran, H. C. Seebo, L. C. McCusker, Democrats. 

Baltimore County — Milton W. Offutt, Samuel Brady, Thomas 
Kelbaugh, S. Allen Lieb, James J. Lindsey, Joshua W. Cockey, 
Democrats. 

Calvert — Thomas Parran, Jr., James C. Chaney, Republicans. 

Caroline— R. D. Culbreath, J. H, Doughlas, Democrats. 

Carroll — John W. Abbott, Edward W. Leeds, Johnzie E. Beas- 
man, J. H. Koons, Democrats. 

Cecil — Henry Jones, Frank Scott, W. B. Rowland, Dems. 

Charles— W. DeC. Mitchell, R. H. Mitchell, Lee M. Suther- 
land, Republicans. 

Dorchester — James Wallace, Jr., Republican; Joseph T. Da- 
vis, Republican ; Isaac H. Houston, Democrat. 

Frederick — Charels F. Markell, Harry C. Keefer, Andrew A. 
Annan, John M. Morrison, Dr. John J. Henshew, Republicans. 

Garrett — Eli Stanton, Democrat; A. J. Speicher, Republican. 

Harford — Jacob H. Plowman, Benjamin Sliver, Jr., R. Harris 
Archer, Martin McNabb, Democrats. 

Howard— William T. Clark of T., Reuben T. Johnson, Demo- 
crats. 

Kent — J. Fletcher Wilson, Benedict S. Adkinson, Democrats. 

Montgomery — Howard Griffith, Somerset O. Jones, August L. 
Greaves, Democrats. 

Prince George's — Richard Wootten, Democrat; Charles E. 
Coffin, J. Benson Perrle, Republicans. 

Queen Anne's — William Henry Legg, A. J. Gadd, W. E. Bar- 
ton, Democrats. 

Somerset — John R. Milburn, Noah M. Lawson, William E. 
Parks, Republicans. 

St. Mary's — Washington Wilkinson, John L. Milburn, Re- 
publicans. 

Talbot — Philip Francis Thomas, Edward Lloyd, Joseph B. 
Seth, Democrats. 

Washington — Charles A. Little, Democrat; J. Monroe Sword, 
Democrat; William Booth, Democrat; Thomas J, Keller, Re- 
publican. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 121 

Wicomico — Thomas B. Taylor, William S. Moore, William E. 
Shepherd, Democrats. 

Worcester — Benjamin J. Taylor, Edward D. Martin, Francis 
T. Taylor, Democrats. 

Henry Lloyd, of Dorchester, was President of the Senate, and 
Dr. Thom, of Baltimore city, Speaker of the House of Delegates. 
Barnes Compton was re-elected Treasurer over John S. Gittings, 
who made a contest in the caucus, but had no real strength that 
he could hold when the time came. McLane's inauguration was 
simple and unostentatious. The only member of his family pres- 
ent was his daughter. He declined to permit the railroad to fur- 
nish him a private car to go to Annapolis, and put his foot down 
on the proposition to have a band of music. 

The big feature of the session of 1884 was the contest for the 
United States Senatorship to succeed James Black Groome. No 
more dramatic or thrilling Senatorial election has taken place in 
Maryland than that which resulted in Ephraim K. Wilson's suc- 
cess at this session. Gorman and the State machine were for 
Thomas J. Keating, but the machine was not solidly for Keating, 
and it was recognized that the balloting would have to be trailed 
along until the opportunity came to slip him in. A deadlock de- 
veloped early, and, notwithstanding the Eastern Shore law, a 
part of the city delegation, then controlled by J. Frank Morrison, 
at the time a big factor in local politics, was for Governor Mc- 
Lane under cover. They were playing for patronage, and were 
ready to vote for McLane when the opportunity came, although 
those who were guiding his boom felt it best to keep his name out 
of it until the chance presented itself. Judge John M. Robinson, 
of Queen Anne's county, was the leading Eastern Shore candi- 
date, but as usual the Shore was not united, and there were vari- 
ous favorite sons. They began balloting in joint session on Janu- 
ary 15th, and the first ballot was as follows: 

Robinson, 24; Westcott, 22; Groome, 21 ; Thomas, 15; Wilson, 
12; Keating, 8; Creswell, 5. 

The Republican vote was scattered, and various members of 
the party — Louis E. McComas, Ex-Senator Creswell, Robert B. 
Dixon, Milton G. Urner, Hart B. Holton and others — were com- 



122 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

plimented. Senator Warfield, of Howard county, voted consist- 
ently throughout for Philip Francis Thomas. 

On the third day the name of Governor McLane appeared for 
the first time, and he get a few scattering votes. His city friends, 
however, controlled by Morrison, did not show their hands. The 
deadlock continued, and the factions were so divided that a cau- 
cus was useless. On the fourth day, after several ballots had 
been taken, the vote stood: 

Robinson, 24; Thomas, 16; Groome, 19; Keating, 8; Wil- 
son, 15. 

The bali^nce of the Democrats, and the Republican vote were 
scattered, McLane receiving a few. After this ballot the friends 
of Mr. Keating, the organization candidate, believing that if the 
thing could be prolonged sufficiently their man would win, at- 
tempted to adjourn. Robinson's friends and the others fought 
this vigorously and defeated the motion. Three more ballots were 
taken, and on the last one Wilson jumped from 15 to 25, while 
Robinson lost one and the other candidates dwindled. Wilson's 
gains caused a ripple of excitement throughout the House, and 
again a vain attempt to adjourn was made. On the next ballot 
Wilson dropped to 22, and Robinson ran up to 29. Groome had 
II, Thomas 10 and Keating 7. 

As the last name on the roll was called, and while the vote was 
being tabulated prior to the announcement, John Wirt Randall, 
Republican, of Anne Arundel county, got up and went to the seat 
of Senator Moore, Republican of Montgomery. In an audible 
whisper he said: "Now is the time." Immediately Mr. Moore 
arose and said : "Mr. Speaker, I desire to change my vote from 
the Hon. Robert B. Dixon to the Hon. John M. Robinson." 

As soon as Mr. Moore had finished speaking Mr. Randall and 
Senator Hodson, both Republicans, jumped to their feet and 
loudly called "Mr. Speaker ! Mr. Speaker !" with the evident in- 
tention of changing their votes in the same way as Senator 
Moore. The Democrats immediately jumped to the conclusion 
that an attempt was to be made to make Robinson through Re- 
publican votes, and the most intense excitement prevailed. 

Dozens of men jumped to their feet and shouted for recogni- 
tion, and there was a scene of wild confusion. The Democrats 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 123 

were in an uproar, and the Speaker could not make himself heard. 
Finally someone shouted in his ear : "Recognize none but Demo- 
crats." This the Speaker did, and the Democrats as fast as they 
could began to change their votes to Wilson. Members were 
running around the room trying to check the stampede and hold 
the forces of other candidates in line, and the confusion increased 
every minute. The changes came so fast and furious that the 
reading clerk could not keep tab on the vote. The Keating peo- 
ple, however, sat tight in their seats, waiting to take advantage 
of the chance they looked for after the excitement subsided, and 
the Morrison delegates in the city delegation did the same thing, 
thinking that the stampede could in the end be switched to Mc- 
Lane. Al Goodman, a Baltimore newspaper man in the House 
of Delegates, sat at the reporter's table keeping tab of the changes. 
In the confusion he lost track of the count, and when Edward I. 
Clark, then a member of the city delegation, rushed over and 
asked him, "How many has Wilson?" Goodman looked up for a 
second and replied, "Oh, he's elected." Mr. Clark dashed back 
to the city delegation with the news, and immediately there was 
a rush to get into the band wagon. The city delegates, who had 
been sitting tight, began to change to Wilson, and when the 
smoke finally cleared away the vote stood : 

Wilson, 68; Robinson, 7; Thomas, 6; Groome, 8; Creswell, 7; 
Dixon, 12. 

Wilson was declared elected and the contest was over. It was 
probably as exciting a scene as has ever taken place in the General 
Assembly of Maryland, and those who took part in that session 
will never forget it. Thomas G. Hayes, who was one of the Sen- 
ators from Baltimore city, was for Wilson right straight along, 
but Gill and Rusk, the other two Senators, voted for Robinson 
before the break came. 



CHAPTER XIII. 



Senator Gorman's Part in the First Cleveland Campaign — Story 
of the Convention. 



There comes now a period when the Democracy of Maryland 
tasted for the first time since the Civil War the sweets of Federal 
patronage, and from the point of view of the politician a glorious 
four years it was. 

In the national campaign of 1884 Grover Cleveland led his 
party to victory in the country, and the Democrats obtained al- 
most as complete control in the national Government as they 
had in the State and city. Mr. Gorman was in the zenith of his 
power— the strongest figure in the Senate, the undisputed leader 
in the State and a big national factor, to whom was generally 
accorded — and rightly so — the credit for the success of the na- 
tional ticket. Although in Mr. Cleveland the bump of gratitude 
was not overdeveloped, in the matter of the Maryland appoint- 
ments, with one or two exceptions in his first Administration, he 
accepted Mr. Gorman's recommendations, and some of the big- 
gest and best of the Federal plums went to Maryland Democrats 
and Gorman men. 

It was a sunny, happy time for the "faithful," and many there 
were who got their reward. Rasin forsook his soft berth in the 
Courthouse, where he had held his clerkship for 18 years, and 
qualified as naval officer, from which office he played politics in 
the same old way. Gorman men were on guard everywhere — in 
the City Hall, the Governor's Mansion and the Custom House. 
No man could hope for a State or Federal office except through 
him. His alliance with Rasin impregnably intrenched him in the 
city, and his power was complete and supreme. Yet with all this, 
and notwithstanding his eminence at Washington and in the na- 
tional councils of the party, his enemies multiplied at home, and 
fought on and on with increasing bitterness and ferocity. They 
tried to beat his candidates wherever and whenever they appear- 

124 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 125 

ed. They tried to undermine him with Cleveland in the matter of 
appointments, and here they did succeed to some extent, notably 
in preventing J. F. C. Talbott from landing a Federal job. At 
least they helped prevent this, but there v^as a good deal more 
to it than that. Cowen, Wallis, Marshall, Marbury, Venable, 
Keyser and others kept up the battle against Rasin in the city and 
Gorman in the State. 

The attacks grew hotter and hotter until they culminated in 
the Brown-Hodges campaign of 1885, in which the independent 
and insurgent Democrats marshalled all their forces, fused with 
the Republicans and made a tremendous assault upon Rasin and 
Rasin's ticket in the city, in the belief that could it be defeated 
in October this victory could be followed up by the defeat of the 
legislative ticket in November upon which Gorman depended 
for re-election to the Senate, and the power of both could be 
broken. 

It was a splendid fight, well conceived and teeming with ex- 
citement and bitterness. By long odds it was the fiercest munici- 
pal battle ever fought in Baltimore. And it might have been suc- 
cessful, too, had not the Republican allies of the independents 
"laid down" at the last minute. Some of the Republican local 
leaders, such as the late James T. Caulk, then a power in South 
Baltimore, and later a police magistrate under Lowndes, hap- 
pened to hold jobs in the Custom House and wanted to hold on 
to them. At heart they were with the regular Democrats as 
against the independents, and underneath quietly aided that cause 
and knifed the fusion candidates. John J. Mahon was the man 
who managed the ward details for Mr. Rasin in this fight, and 
it was chiefly through the deals he put through and the hands he 
"framed up" that the day was saved for Rasin. The majority 
was a comparatively small one, but it was decisive, and, for the 
time, at least, the fusion forces were crushed. It established 
Rasin as the sole and supreme boss of the city, and in the month 
following the State ticket went through by 20,000 majority. The 
Democrats held both branches of the Legislature by big majori- 
ties, and Mr. Gorman was triumphantly re-elected to succeed him- 
self without any real opposition. It was a thrilling struggle, and 
the stakes were big on both sides. 



126 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Few of the men in either camp who took a leading part came 
out of the fight unscarred. Bitter words were used and ugly 
charges recklessly made. It was in this campaign that Isidor 
Rayner and Charles J. Bonaparte had the verbal interchange that 
effectually severed diplomatic relations between them, and since 
that fight they have not been on speaking terms with each other. 
It was in this fight that Fred Talbott and Mr. Rayner referred to 
Mr. Bonaparte in highly uncomplimentary terms, and in return 
Mr. Bonaparte figuratively took the hides off both of them. It 
was in this fight that the late John V. L. Findlay, who had a year 
or so before, while in Congress as a Democrat, gone over to the 
Republicans, supported Judge Brown, and Mr. Rayner said of 
him, "The Republican party gave, the Republican party has taken 
away — oh, blessed be the name of the Republican party !" and 
was later accused of blasphemy. It was in this campaign that 
Henry Wooten, of Howard county, made and remade his charges 
against Mr. Gorman and Eugene Higgins of bribery and polit- 
ical corruption, defying them to sue him, and offering to put up 
$10,000 if Mr. Gorman would bring the suit. It was in this 
fight that William L. Marbury accused John F. Weyler of having 
made a corrupt contract with Republicans to swap votes and de- 
feat a Democratic candidate, and was hissed and hooted by the 
crowd to which he spoke. It was in this fight that John W. Davis 
and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad induced "Doc" Slater to 
support for Mayor the man who had a short while before sen- 
tenced him to a year in the penitentiary, part of which term he 
served. It was in this fight that James Hodges accused William 
Pinkney Whyte of supporting Brown with the hope of "unhors- 
ing" Gorman, and Mr. Whyte replied that "unhorsing" Gorman 
would be an easy task compared to that of "unassing" Hodges. 

Oh, it was a hot old campaign, and it has not been equalled 
since, but before telling the detailed story of this memorable 
fight it will be well to review the events prior to the election of 
Cleveland as well as those immediately following his inaugura- 
tion, in order that the situation may be made clear. 

The Democratic State Convention in 1884 was held early in 
the summer, and these were the delegates chosen to represent 
Maryland at the national convention in Chicago. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 127 

At Large — Charles J. M. Gwinn, Richard D. Hynson, William 
Walsh and John Lee Carroll. 

First District — Robert F. Brattan and J. C. Dirickson. 

Second — John S. Wirt and D. W. Henning. 

Third— Robert J. Slater and W. L Montague. 

Fourth — Frederick Raine and John J. Fenton. 

Fifth — Dr. George Wells and Fillmore Beale. 

Sixth— Hattersly W. Talbott and Gilmor S. Hamill. 

They went out unpledged, of course, and found Mr. Gorman 
on the field. He went into the convention holding the proxy of 
Mr. Hynson, who did not make the trip, and it was in this con- 
vention that the eyes of the Marylad delegates were really opened 
to the power wielded by their Senator in the national Democracy. 
They found his advice eagerly sought by the leading men of the 
convention, and they found him with the strings in his hands. 
Gorman was a big factor in the nomination of Cleveland, and it 
was he who induced Mr. Hendricks to accept the second place on 
the ticket, after others had tried and failed. In getting Hendricks 
to accept the Vice-Presidency those best posted as to that fight 
think Gorman did more toward the election of the ticket than 
any other single thing in the campaign. Hendricks thought he 
should be nominated for the Presidency, and insisted that he 
would take nothing else. His services to the party were generally 
recognized as of the highest order, and he was tremendously 
popular. He had in many campaigns greatly aided the Demo- 
cratic cause, whereas Cleveland practically had no political rec- 
ord at the time. The heart of the convention was for Hendricks, 
but its head was for Cleveland. It was essential to carry New 
York, and it was argued that only a New Yorker could do that. 
Hendricks was terribly disappointed, and very indignant, but 
Gorman, between the morning and afternoon session of the con- 
vention, went to Hendricks' room and persuaded him for the good 
of the party to take the nomination. There is no question but 
that Hendricks' name was a tower of strength to the ticket in 
Indiana, and he helped it elsewhere as well. After Cleveland 
was President Mr. Hendricks asked him as a personal favor to 
appoint a certain man postmaster of Indianapolis, and Cleveland 



128 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

would not do it. Mr. Hendricks felt this keenly, and told it to 
his friends as illustrating Cleveland's unappreciativeness. 

After the convention the Democratic leaders united in asking 
Gorman to go to New York and take full charge of the campaign. 
They feared treachery upon the part of John Kelly, who was then 
the Tammany leader, and was a bitter enemy of Cleveland. It 
was his influence that caused the Tammany delegates to declare 
on the floor of the national convention that if Cleveland were 
nominated he would not carry New York. After the nomination 
Kelly promised to support Cleveland, but the leaders did not trust 
him, and Gorman was made chairman of the National Executive 
Committee. His headquarters were at the Hoffman House, and 
his was the mind that directed the entire fight, the result of which 
was to give the Democracy the only President it has had since 
the war. Mr. Gorman's work in this campaign was of the finest 
kind, and his alertness, his calmness and judgment more than 
once saved the situation at critical points. He and his friends 
always felt that Cleveland did not sufficiently appreciate what he 
had done for him, both at the time of his nomination and in the 
campaign that followed. Cleveland always insisted that he went 
as far to oblige Mr. Gorman as his conscience would permit. 

That year — 1884 — in Maryland the Democrats nominated for 
Congress the following: 

First District — Charles H. Gibson. 

Second — Frank T. Shaw. 

Third-WilHam H. Cole. 

Fourth — John V. L. Findlay. 

Fifth — Barnes Compton. 

Sixth — Frederick J. Nelson. 

All of these were elected except Nelson, who was defeated by 
Louis E. McComas. In the Second district Congressman Talbott 
failed to get the nomination after another exciting convention, 
this time held at Elkton. T. Herbert Shriver, of Carroll county, 
presided, and Adam Peeples, of Port Deposit, the Speaker of the 
House of Delegates in 19 10, acted as secretary. The candidates 
besides Mr. Talbott in the convention were Dr. Shaw and Thos. 
J. C. Hopkins, of Harford county. Talbott had 10 votes — 6 from 
Baltimore county and 4 from Cecil — but the other two counties 
mustered 10, too, and the convention was in a deadlock that lasted 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 129 

for three days. Finally the Cecil delegation broke away from 
Talbott and Shaw was named. Mr. Talbott was thus for the 
time at least sidetracked in the district, and he did not get the 
nomination again for eight years, Dr. Shaw serving two terms 
and Col. Herman Stump, of Harford, having two. 

It was not until the beginning of Cleveland's second admin- 
istration that Talbott went back to Congress, but his absence 
from that body by no means lessened his political prestige, and 
he kept on strengthening himself in the county and district until 
when he did land the nomination again his position as the dis- 
tiict leader was generally recognized. In the 1884 campaign, 
however, he was off the ticket and plunged into the fight in 
Maryland to help roll up the Cleveland majority. Toward the 
last of the campaign Mr. Gorman sent for him to come to New 
York and told him this : "It is necessary for us to carry Indiana. 
I want you to go out there and stay there and look into the sit- 
uation. If you think $50,000 will carry the State, we will send 
it out there. If it cannot be carried for that, in your judgment, 
we will send it somewhere else. I am going to depend entirely 
on your judgment in this matter." A telegraphic code was 
arranged by which Mr. Gorman was to be communicated with, 
and he cautioned Mr. Talbott not to let the Indiana people know 
what his business was. Mr. Talbott went straight to Indianap- 
olis and promptly disregarded his instructions. He went into 
the Democratic State headquarters and, after making himself 
known to the men in charge, frankly told them: 

"Gorman has sent me out here to see whether $50,000 will 
carry this State. It depends upon me whether or not you get 
the money. Now you have got to show me that you can win 
here with that money." 

Those in charge of the Indiana fight proceeded to demonstrate 
to Mr. Talbott. He spent several weeks in the State, made a 
number of speeches, and finally the week before the election 
telegraphed to Gorman in New York that the State could be 
carried for the $50,000 and to send the money on. The money 
was to be sent to the First National Bank of Indianapolis on a 
certain day, and the headquarters people, Henderson, Bright, Kern 
and others, were awaiting it, when Gorman wired again to Talbott 



130 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

that the money intended for Indiana had to be placed somewhere 
else and they would have to get along out there without it. 
When this news arrived Mr. Talbott says there was conster- 
nation in headquarters and a conference was held at which things 
looked very glum indeed. Finally one man got up in the con- 
ference and said: "What is the use of talking this way? If we 
do not get this money from New York the only thing to do is to 
raise our own money and carry this State anyhow. I am going- 
back to my district and raise mine, and that is what the rest of 
you ought to do." This instilled some fighting spirit into the 
downcast leaders, and the next day another wire came from Gor- 
man that the money had been sent to the bank and everything 
was all right. The $50,000 arrived and the State was carried. 
Mr. Talbott now says he believes it would have been carried 
even had the $50,000 not come at all. 

After the election and the days of suspense were over a great 
massmeeting in honor of Gorman was held in Baltimore in the 
City Hall Square. This was on November 10, and a tremendous 
ciowd gathered to pay tribute to him. He was still in New York 
with every energy bent upon holding the victory so dearly won 
and which for days hung in the balance. Speeches were made 
by I. Parker Veazey, F. S. Hoblitzell, J. F. C. Talbott and others. 
Ringing cheers were given for "Maryland's favorite son," and 
to him was accorded the credit for the big national victory. The 
newspapers all over the country were full of praise of his work 
and the State rang with his name. 

After the inauguration of Cleveland in March, 1885, the strug- 
gle over appointments began, and from then until the close of 
his first term the patriots in Maryland were clamoring to serve 
their country. The appointments did not come for some months, 
although one or two Maryland men, notably Eugene Higgins, 
were taken care of almost immediately. Higgins was made 
chief of the appointment division of the Treasury Department, 
and his selection raised a howl in the State. S. Teackle Wallis 
and other reformers went to Washington to protest to Mr. Cleve- 
land and demand that he give some other element besides the 
organization recognition in Maryland. Fairly early after the 
inauguration Gov. Robert M. McLane, through the influence 



T^ STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 131 

of Mr. Gorman, was appointed Minister to France, and this 
appointment was received with satisfaction throughout Mary- 
land. McLane was the type of man who abroad did credit to 
himself, his State and the country. He at once resigned the Gov- 
ernorship, and Henry Lloyd, of Dorchester county, who was 
then President of the Senate, succeeded him. Mr. Lloyd was 
then elected Governor by the Legislature of 1886, and served 
out the entire unexpired term of almost three years. In 1886 
Edwin Warfield succeeded him as President of the Senate, but 
later accepted the position of Surveyor of the Port under Cleve- 
land. Mr. Gorman unquestionably saw that McLane desired to 
go to the United States Senate and took the easiest method of 
getting him out of the way. Gorman came up for re-election at 
the session of 1886, and as this was in the middle of McLane's 
term he could have been a formidable candidate had he remained 
as Governor and chosen to make the fight. Other appointments 
followed. Gen. A. Leo Knott became Second Assistant Postmas- 
ter-General, Col. Frederick Raine was made Consul to Berlin, 
and Colonel Lee, a brother-in-law of ex-Governor John Lee Car- 
roll, went to Austria as the American representative to that 
country. 

Other consulships and many minor appointments for Maryland 
men came along quickly, but the big local places made by Cleve- 
land upon the recommendation of Gorman were as follows : 

Postmaster of Baltimore — L Parker Veazey. 

Collector of the Port — James B. Groome. 

United States Marshal — Dr. George H. Cairnes. 

Naval Ofificer — L Freeman Rasin. 

District Attorney — Thomas G. Hayes. i/,/i--* 

Surveyor of the Port — Edwin Warfield. Sf^^^''^ 

Internal Revenue Collector — James K. Roberts. 

Morris A. Thomas was made Indian agent for the Govern- 
ment, and there was considerable trouble over his appointment. 
John J. Mahon became a special agent of the Treasury Depart- 
ment. Afr. Roberts, who had been named as Collector of Inter- 
nal Revenue, died before he took the place and Cleveland ap- 
pointed Gen. Andrew J. Chapman, who had been in Congress 
from the Fifth district several times and was a great friend of 



132 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

the late Barnes Compton. President Cleveland some years after- 
ward told Mr. Talbott that he had agreed upon the suggestion 
of Mr. Gorman to give him this place, but that later the recom- 
mendation was withdrawn and Chapman named. Mr. Talbott 
said he understood why this had been done and was glad now he 
had not gotten the place, although at the time he wanted it. I. 
Parker Veazey was made Postmaster chiefly through Mr. Rasin, 
who wanted to get him out of the way in the Mayoralty fight 
that was approaching. Veazey was a candidate for the Mayor- 
alty nomination and his appointment promptly eliminated him 
and left the field clear. Dr. Cairnes was a Baltimore county man 
and was named through Congressman Talbott, who could make 
a place for his county but not for himself at that time. War- 
field, Groome and Hayes were all made directly through Mr. 
Gorman, and it was he in all cases who had the final say before 
the names were put up to Mr. Cleveland. 



CHAPTER XIV 



The Brown-Hodges Mayoralty Campaign. Some of its Inci- 
dents and Results. 



Prior to the opening of the Brown-Hodges Mayoralty fight 
there had been for some months mutterings of the storm and 
the astute Mr. Rasin, whose ear was never very far from the 
ground, realized that a revolt of more than ordinary size was 
forming. 

Some hint of what was coming showed as much as a year 
before, and Mr. Rasin saw clearly that the time was almost at 
hand when he either had to put Morrison and Slater out of bus- 
iness or they would put him out. He saw that the independent 
forces, backed by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, were gath- 
ering for a grand assault upon the organization citadel and that 
the plan of the Morrison-Slater element was to ally themselves 
with these influences in the hope of crushing him. He likewise 
saw that Gorman's enemies throughout the State considered it 
necessary to beat him in the city as the first step toward break- 
ing Gorman's power and preventing his re-election to the Senate 
in 1886. That the Baltimore and Ohio influence would be against 
him he knew, because of happenings at Annapolis the year be- 
fore which had not been very pleasing to the Baltimore and Oh'io. 

Taking all these things into consideration, the "Old Man" did 
what he always did when hard pressed or when the circum- 
stances made him consider it necessary — put on his ticket men 
of unassailable integrity and perfumed the whole business by 
going into the camp of the enemy and taking therefrom as his 
candidate some eminently respectable business man with reform 
tendencies and an anti-Rasin record. He started the fumigation 
process in the Councilmanic election of 1884, when he sent to 
the City Council George May, Dr. David Streett, Jesse N. Bowen 
and a few others like them, but early in 1885 he played his big 
card when he picked James Hodges as his candidate for Mayor. 



13.8 



134 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Now, Mr. Hodges had been for years strenuously fighting the 
ring. He was regarded as one of the professional reformers, 
and was hated and despised by the rank and file of the organiza- 
tion. He had denounced both Gorman and Rasin on the stump, 
and Rasin either knew what Hodges would do after he was 
elected or he must have thought the situation desperate, indeed, 
to have taken him. 

As it turned out, Hodges made the strongest and straightest 
organization Mayor the town has ever had. He gave prac- 
tically every appointment in his gift to the organization and be- 
came from the date of his inauguration the most rampant and 
uncompromising kind of an organization man. Also he regarded 
Rasin as the organization and the whole patronage of the city 
government was almost completely in Rasin's hands. It is gener- 
ally accepted as true that Hodges was induced to run for Mayor 
with the understanding that at the end of his term of two years 
he would receive the nomination for Governor. 

The man who persuaded him to take the nomination was the 
late Thomas M. Lanahan, who was his great personal friend 
and who became the prime minister of his administration. Mr. 
Hodges was convinced by Mr. Lanahan that with two years as 
Mayor, if he played the game straight with the organization, he 
would have the support of the city for the Gubernatorial nom- 
ination. Mr. Hodges liked the bait and took the job. He cer- 
tainly did "deliver the goods" so far as the organization was con- 
cerned, but when the time came for the organization to make 
good its promise for the Governorship it left him with a sudden- 
ness that must have been a great shock. 

Mr. Hodges was fooled completely up to that point, and 
had every reason to believe that Rasin was sincerely and ear- 
nestly for him. As a matter of fact, those who know say that 
Rasin and Gorman had agreed upon Elihu E. Jackson for Gov- 
ernor at the time he was made President of the Senate to succeed 
Edwin Warfield. Jackson was the man they wanted, and wanted 
all the time, but they did not let Jackson know this until the 
last minute. 

Hodges had practically no fight at all for the Mayoralty nom- 
ination. It was on Saturday, September 26, 1885, that, after a 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 136 

conference with Mr. Lanahan and Mr. Rasin, he made a public 
announcement that he would accept the nomination. Latrobe, 
who was then Mayor, knew nothing of the Hodges deal until 
he read it in the newspapers. He was staying at Deer Park with 
his family at the time, and hurried back to Baltimore with the 
announcement that he would be a candidate for renomination 
and proposed to submit his claims to the people in the primaries. 
He maintained this attitude until the day before the primaries, 
when he came out in a public card withdrawing from the field 
and advocating the regular Democratic nominee, who ever he 
might be. 

As soon as the Hodges announcement became public the fusion 
movement for George William Brown started. William Keyser 
and John K. Cowen were the real brains of this movement, and 
the power back of them was the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. 
The independent idea, however, was well brought to the front 
and the whole thing took on the appearance of a spontaneous 
revolt against the corruption and viciousness of the organiza- 
tion. In reality it was a well conceived carefully laid plan with 
nothing spontaneous about it. Judge Brown had been deter- 
mined upon as the candidate months before, and the leaders had 
been planning for the fight a long time. Rasin knew this, but 
few others did. 

On September 30 the city convention for the selection of 
candidates for the court clerkships was held, and Lewis N. Hop- 
kins presided. In a strong speech he defended Mr. Rasin and dep- 
recated the outcry concerning him. He attacked Mr. Keyser, whom 
he accused of coquetting with the Republican party and declared 
he was even then engaged in forming an "unholy alliance" with 
the Republican leaders. Ex-United States Marshal William F. 
Airey, Messrs. Adreon and Weatherby, as well as other Republi- 
can local leaders, were scored, and Mr, Hopkins asserted that 
Mr. Keyser and his friends had had the opportunity of select- 
ing the organization candidate, but would not do so. At this 
convention the following nominations were made : 

Clerk of Court of Common Pleas — John T. Gray. 

Clerk of Circuit Court — Alvin Robertson. 

Clerk of Criminal Court — John Bullock. 



136 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Register of Wills — Robert T. Banks. 

After this the plans of the fusionists were matured rapidly, 
and on October 9 came the usual clarion address to the people, 
in which hot shot was poured into Rasin and Gorman and the 
citizens of both parties were urged to rise in their might and 
crush them. A citizens' meeting was called for that night in the 
Concordia Opera House for the purpose of nominating can- 
didates. Mr. Keyser, Mr. Cowen and the other managers of 
the movement had seen to it that a distinctly nonpartisan flavor 
was given the announcement, and their alliance with the Repub- 
licans appeared to be an effective one. Some of the signers to 
this call were William Keyser, Gen. Felix Agnus, William H. 
Brune, C. Morton Stewart, William F. Airey, David Stewart, J. 
Harmanus Fisher, Richard M. Venable, William J. Hooper, J. 
Hall Pleasants, Charles J. Bonaparte, George M. Gill, George 
R. Gaither, Jr., Stewart Brown, E. H. Perkins, W. H. Spedden, 
Winfield Peters, John Hubert, Daniel L. Brinton, John C. Rose, 
Archibald H. Taylor, John F. Langhammer, Richard B. Tippett, 
W. Starr Gephart, J. Q. A. Hollaway, S. D. Schmucker, Dr. W. 
S. Booze, Thomas H. Morris, Talbot J. Albert, Thornton Rollins, 
D. Sterrett Gittings, J. Reese Pitcher and others. It can be 
seen by this that the stalwarts of both parties as well as the in- 
dependents were interested in the movement. John W. Davis, 
representing the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, secured for the 
movement the support of "Doc'' Slater, who was ready and 
anxious to join an independent movement to beat Rasin, but 
balked quickly when the name of Judge Brown was sprung on 
him as the candidate. Some time before this he had pleaded 
guilty before Judge Brown to the charge of maintaining a gamb- 
ling house in the belief that he would be given a nominal sen- 
tence consisting of a light fine. Judge Brown sentenced him to 
a year in the penitentiary and Slater had to serve half of it before 
he was pardoned. Notwithstanding this, his support was finally 
obtained for Brown. Morrison, it seems, although at first dis- 
posed to join the movement, later cut away and supported Hodges 
Although he was on the winning side, it did him no good, as, after 
Hodges was elected, Morrison got nothing, and he even lost 
what he had, as Mr. Hodges, through Mr. Rasin, promptly turned 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 137 

out of office the Morrison men in the City Hall and replaced 
them with Rasin men. 

The Democratic primaries were held on October 7, between 4 
and 8 P. M. There was no contest and the organization dele- 
gates carried practically every precinct. The Mayoralty nomi- 
nating convention met the next day in Raine's Hall. Samuel P. 
Thompson presided and Lewis N. Hopkins nominated Mr. 
Hodges. The nomination was seconded by Mr. Joseph S. 
Heuisler, and Mr. Hodges was unanimously chosen as the party's 
candidate for Mayor. The very next night the Independent 
Citizens' meeting at the Concordia Opera House was held and 
Judge Brown was nominated "amid tremendous enthusiasm." 
Thomas McCosker presided and Messrs. William Reynolds, 
William L. Marbury, Thomas MacKenzie and Robert J. Brant 
acted as secretaries. Some of those present were John K. Cowen, 
H. Irvine Keyser, Samuel J. Soper, Dr. Jacob W. Houck, John 
C. Rose, Edwin H. Fowler, Skipwith Wilmer, G. Harlan Wil- 
liams, Dr. Eli J. Henkle, Thomas S. Baer, Robert D. Morrison, 
William Whitelock, William Winchester, George S. Brown, Wil- 
liam Keyser, C. Morton Stewart, C. H. Classen, J. Hall Pleas- 
ants, George M. Gill, and others. Mr. S. Teackle Wallis with 
fiery eloquence and cutting sarcasm attacked Rasin, Gorman, 
Morrison, "Hack" Quinn and others. 

"Do you," he asked the crowd, "consider Sonny Mahon a 
Democratic idea ? Do you regard Morris Thomas as a Democratic 
principle ?" 

Speeches were also made by Mr. Charles J. Bonaparte and 
Col. Charles Marshall. Colonel Marshall brought down the 
house when in referring to Mr. Hodges he quoted the following 
couplet — 

Poor Jimmy, poor Jimmy, he has left us, 

And left us sudden, too; 

And what it was that hit him. 

Poor Jimmy never knew. 

John V. L. Findlay, Sebastian Brown and Gen. Adam E. King 
were also among the speakers, and the meeting was a great and 
enthusiastic one. The organization leaders were flayed and their 
methods held up to scorn. Hodges was depicted as a deluded 



138 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

person caught in the net and there was no Hmit to the denun- 
ciation heaped upon the men back of him. Immediately after 
this the organization forces gathered at the same place in a big 
meeting. Mr. Bernard Carter, Isidor Rayner, who was on the 
ticket as a candidate for the State Senate, Mr. Hodges and 
others spoke in defense of Mr. Gorman and Mr. Rasin. They 
pitched into the reformers and attempted to show the political 
deal that had been made between the Republicans and the inde- 
pendent leaders. Slater came in for a good share of the atten- 
tion of the organization speakers. Mr. Henry Wootten, of 
Howard county, was a big figure in this fight, and, on the stump 
as well as in the newspapers, once more reiterated his charges 
that Gorman and Higgins perpetrated frauds in Howard county 
of a particularly flagrant character and offered to deposit 
$10,000 in the hands of Mr. Hodges if either Mr. Gorman or 
Higgins would sue him. He defied Mr. Carter on behalf of Sen- 
ator Gorman to deny his charges or to bring suit. In reply Mr, 
Carter, Mr. John P. Poe and Mr. Rayner riddled the reformers 
and attempted to tear the mask off the independent fight and show 
what really was back of it. William Pinkney Whyte joined in the 
fight against Hodges and Rasin, chiefly, it was believed because 
he thought the defeat of the organization ticket would lead to the 
defeat of Mr. Gorman. He took the stump and had some hot in- 
terchanges with Mr. Hodges. 

Meeting after meeting was held by both sides and the whole 
town was aroused. Mr. William L. Marbury, in a speech at 
HoUins Hall on October 22, created a sensation by declaring 
that John F. Weyler, then a City Councilman and now warden 
of the penitentiary, had entered into a contract in 1882 with the 
Republicans to swap votes to Hart B. Holton. the Republican 
candidate for Congress. Mr. Marbury said he had sworn evi- 
dence to prove this charge, but his assertion was hissed and 
booted. Cries of "It is not true!" "Put him out!" etc., inter- 
rupted him. Half the crowd applauded and the rest hissed. Sev- 
eral fights started, and one or two men were ejected by the police. 
Mr. Marbury quietly waited until the uproar had subsided and 
then repeated his assertion. 

"Now," he said, "that the side show is over I want to say that 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 139 

the politics of the Seventeenth ward are controlled by a dirty 
clique of rowdies." He continued his speech, being frequently 
hissed, but more frequently applauded. 

The Fusionists had a nominating committee composed of J. 
Hall Pleasants, Leon Seliger, S. Teackle Wallis, W. J. Hooper, 
Felix Agnus, William Keyser, Richard M. Venable, Robert H. 
Smith, German H. Hunt, James H. Parrish, George S. Brown, 
J. D. Mallory, J. William Kines, Thomas Deford, John E. Mar- 
shall, John K. Shaw, John T. Mason, R. Peter Thompson, 
Daniel Donnell, Thomas J. Hayward, Thomas White, Bishop 
Alexander Wayman, Charles C. Homer, T. Burling Hull, N. 
Rufus Gill, John B. Dixon, J. Q. A. Hollaway, W. W. Johnsoii, 
W. H. Perkins and William S. Young. This nominating com- 
mittee fixed up the slate. The Republicans made no nomina- 
tions at all and the candidates in the field were either Demo- 
crats or Fusionists. 

Although the campaign was a short one, it was waged with an 
almost unprecedented bitterness and heat. To oflfset theattacks- 
of the independent leaders, such as Wallis, WQDtteiTT^Marbury 
and Keyser, the organization managers had formed a business 
men's league, in which were enlisted many of the most reputable 
and substantial citizens. Hodges had his friends, too, among 
the independents, and although the great bulk of them were with 
Judge Brown, there were a number who stood by him and swal- 
lowed Rasin for his sake, just as Rasin knew they would. The 
Business Men's Democratic Association arranged the final grand 
rally of the campaign, which was said to have been the largest 
political meeting held in the city up to that time. The president 
of the league was J. McKenny White and the vice-presidents 
were Lloyd L. Jackson, L. N. Hopkins and Clinton P. Paine. The 
latter also acted as treasurer, and Willoughby N. Smith was the 
secretary. At this last meeting a special committee to make the 
arrangements was composed of Walter B. McAfee, H. A. Parr, 
C. E. Cregan, Murray Hanson, Dr. Thomas J. Boykin, Gen. 
John Gill, Robert Ober, and Simon Rosenberg. The speakers 
mcluded Bernard Carter, John E. Hurst, Henry Page, H. Kyd 
Douglas, J. McKenny White, William T. Biedler, and others. 
Those who acted as vice-presidents of the meeting were Hugh 



140 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Sisson, Ernest Knabe, Christian Devries, Albert Ritchie, Frank 
H. Hambleton, T. Edward Hambleton, M. Gillett Gill, Dr. J. 
Pembroke Thorn, Joseph Friedenwald, John P. Poe, Charles W. 
Baer, R. W. Cator, R. C. Davidson, J. W. Horner, James L. Mc- 
Lane, John G. Harvey, Prof. Allan P. Smith, Dr. John Van Bib- 
ber, Young O. Wilson, Edson M. Schryver, James E. Tyson, W. 
J. C. Dulany and James Carroll. 

By this time the excitement of the campaign was at white 
heat and men were taking active part who had never before been 
interested in politics. The business friends of Hodges came 
strongly to his rescue and the Fusionists redoubled their attacks. 
Bitter words were interchanged by speakers on the stump and 
the ugliest sort of charges were freely made. The newspapers 
teemed with open letters from the candidates and their friends, 
and the whole town was in an uproar. 

As has been stated, John J. Mahon was the man who really 
managed the details of this fight for Mr. Rasin. It was Mahon 
who went from ward to ward, fixing up a deal here, framing up 
a hand there. Much of the money used by the organization in 
this fight was spent as directed by Mahon, and it was he who dis- 
covered the weakness in the armor of the Fusionists and suc- 
ceeded in weaning from them some of the more influential of 
the Republican leaders. Those of the Republicans who held 
places in the custom house were promised that they would not 
be turned out if the Democrats won and inducements of other 
kinds were ofifered to others, all of which had its effect, and it is 
a fact, that Mr. Hodges in this fight had the support of no incon- 
siderable number of Republicans. 

The election was held on October 28, and Hodges was elected 
by about 2,500 majority — the smallest by which any Democratic 
candidate had won in years. It, however, was sufficiently large 
to be decisive, and it crushed for the time, at least, the hope of 
the independent element of breaking the power of either Gorman 
or Rasin. It left Mr. Rasin supreme. His most formidable 
rival — Slater — had tied his fortunes up with those of Judge 
Brown, and his defeat left him without a leg to stand on. Mor- 
rison, Rasin's other rival in the city, supported Hodges, but after 
that gentleman became Mayor he got no more recognition than 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 141 

he would have got had he opposed him. The whole thing was 
in Rasin's hands, and Hodges, with that hope of the Governor- 
ship ever before him and Lanahan always at his side, gave to 
the organization or Rasin, for they had then become the same 
thing, just exactly what it wanted. The power of this patronage 
placed Rasin undisputably at the top of the heap, and from that 
time until his death he never had a serious rival in his control 
of the local organization. 

Hods"es suited him even better than Latrobe, and in no admin- 
istration at the City Hall did he ever have as full sway as dur- 
ing that of Mayor Hodges. Slater was down and out and Mor- 
rison had nothing with which to reward his friends or hold his 
power. Hence Rasin was the one man to whom those within the 
organization who wanted either nominations or places could look. 

The result of the Hodges-Brown campaign also made it im- 
possible for the enemies of Mr. Gorman to make much of a show- 
ing against him in the legislative fight, and for a while it disor- 
ganized and disheartened the independent element in the city. 
The leaders of this element, however, not for a moment ceased 
fighting. They simply waited for the next opportunity-. 



CHAPTER XV 



How the Bosses Determined to Nominate Jackson for Gover- 
nor and How the Trick Was Turned. 



The first step toward making EHhu E. Jackson Governor of 
Maryland was taken in the last hour of the last night of the 
session of the Legislature of 1886, although he was not nomi- 
nated for a year and a half after that and was never permitted 
to feel sure of the nomination until after he had been named. It 
is a fact, that Gorman and Rasin as far back as that had agreed 
upon him as the successor of Lloyd and on that night they indi- 
cated this in a way that now seems significant enough, but which 
at the time entirely escaped the politicians. 

Edwin Warfield was President of the Senate at that session 
and had the unanimous indorsement of the Maryland Congres- 
sional delegation and Mr. Gorman for the position of Surveyor 
of the Port under President Cleveland. On the last day of the 
session word came from Mr. Gorman that on the day following 
President Cleveland would send Mr. Warfield's name to the 
United States Senate for this place. Fifteen minutes before the 
State Senate adjourned sine die Mr. Warfield resigned the Pres- 
idency of that body and in accord with the wishes of Mr. Gor- 
man and Mr. Rasin the Democratic Senators unanimously 
elected Mr. Jackson, who was then the representative of Wicom- 
ico county in the Senate, to succeed him. Mr. Jackson presided 
for 15 minutes and the session came to an end. Brief as it was, 
however, it was long enough to give to him the State prominence 
and dignity planned by Mr. Gorman and Mr. Rasin, and members 
of that Senate who are alive today say they do not understand 
how they then failed to see the hand Gorman and Rasin were 
playing. 

With a perfect understanding between them these two men 
permitted a fine, lively fight to develop over the nomination and 
kept the aspirants, including Jackson, guessing up to the last 

142 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 143 

minute, when they shifted their votes with an ease and com- 
pleteness that made the whole struggle seem absurd. 

After the election of Hodges as Mayor of Baltimore the inde- 
pendent forces lost heart and the Democratic legislative and State 
ticket triumphed by more than 20,000 majority. J. Frank Tur-; 
ner was re-elected as State Comptroller and Col. Spencer C. Jones 
was re-elected as Clerk of the Court of Appeals. Mr. Edwin 
Warfield was chairman of the State executive committee that 
managed the Democratic fight and Mr. Gorman's hand was at 
the helm and his energies concentrated upon seeing that there 
was no break in the ranks such as would endanger his re-election. 
Some of the bitterness of the Brown-Hodges campaign cropped 
out, and an indication of this feeling is shown when as mild 
a mannered man as Mr. George Cator would say such a thing as 
this in a speech made in the interests of the Gorman-Rasin ticket : 

"Mr. James Hodges and Mr. John E. Hurst are worth to Bal- 
timore 100 such men as Colonel Marshall and his friends, who 
if they left the city would only be missed by the noise they made.'' 

This was one of the more gentle and kindly of the criticisms 
passed in that fight which, though one-sided toward the end, 
was one in which neither side spared the other. The result swept 
aside all obstacles from Gorman's path and his re-election to 
the Senate was a triumphant and overwhelming one, hailed by 
his friends throughout Maryland as a vindication, as well as a 
victory. The Legislature when it met chose Edwin Warfield as 
the President of the Senate and Joseph B. Seth as Speaker of 
the House of Delegates. 

The complete membership was as follows : 

SENATE. 

Allegany — A. Beall McKaig. 
Anne Arundel — Nicholas Brewer. 

Baltimore City — Harry Welles Rusk, Isidor Rayner, Thomas 
G. Hayes. 

Baltimore County — C. Bohn Slinglufif. 
Caroline — Dr. C. W. Goldsborough. 
Cecil — Clinton McCullough. 
Charles — Richard H. Edelen. 



144 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Carroll — T. Herbert Shriver. 

Calvert — Edward H. Ireland. 

Dorchester — Joseph H. Johnson. 

Frederick — Noah Bowlus. 

Garrett — R. T. Browning. 

Harford — Dr. John Sappington. 

Howard — Edwin Warfield. 

Kent— W. D. Burchinal. 

Montgomery — George Peter. 

Prince George's — Charles T. Clagett. 

Queen Anne's — W. T. P. Turpin. 

Somerset — Thomas S. Hodson. 

St. Mary's — R. Johnson Colton. 

Talbot — Theophilus Tunis. 

Washington — J. Clarence Lane. 

Wicomico — E. E. Jackson. 

Worcester — Samuel K. Dennis. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany — E. C. Gaskett, James Dando, J. Hose, Albert Holle. 

Anne Arundel — John Ireland, E. C. Gott, M. T. Howard, G. 
H. Potee. 

Baltimore City — First District — J. R. Willing, Edward Fitz- 
gerald, John Roney, Peter J. Campbell, Richard J. Penn, Charles 
H. Evans. Second — C. Dodd McFarland, Patrick Reilly, Rod- 
well Turner, Pembroke Lee Thom, L. W. Gunther, Timothy 
Hayes. Third — Charles A. Hoffman, Lewis Reitz, Harry A. 
Schulz, John Durding, H. C. Seebo, Louis C. McCusker. 

Baltimore County — John Hubner, Walter R. Townsend, Wil- 
liam Pole, J. S. Baldwin, Michael O'Hara, J. J. Lindsay. 

Calvert — Thomas Parran, F. Gantt. 

Caroline — John Rumbold, John Y. Graham. 

Carroll — J. E. Beasman, S. H. Hoffacker, Michael Buchanan, 
E. B. Arnold. 

Cecil — R. L. Thomas, S. Granville Richards, Alfred B. McVey. 

Charles — A. G. Chapman, Philip R. Sasscer, W. Mitchell 
Muschette. 

Dorchester — Benjamin L. Smith, J. M. Robertson, Frank H. 
Vincent. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 145 

Frederick — Carlton Shafer, F. L. Stoner, O. T. Crampton, 
W. H. Todd. 

Garrett — George L. Michaels, Silas Weiner. 

Harford — Jacob H. Plowman, Benjamin Silver, Harris Archer, 
J. Morton McNabb. 

Howard — William Clark, Reuben D. Johnson. 

Kent — J. Fletcher Wilson, Lewis C. Justes. 

Montgomery — Philip D. Laird, Charles W. Crawford, A. L. 
Graeves. 

Prince George's — Fillmore Beall, William W. Wilson, De 
Wilton Snowden. 

Queen Anne's — W. W. Busteed, E. C. Legg, William Dudley. 

St. Mary's — Francis V. King, Charles F. Norris. 

Somerset — William H. Gale, J. A. Hearn, T. E. James. 

Talbot — Joseph B. Seth, F. A. Benson, Paul Winchester. 

Washington — Alexander Armstrong, Alexander M. Flory, 
George M. Stonebraker, Edward Stake. 

Wicomico — Henry W. Anderson, Asbury Q. Hamblen, John 
W. Willing. 

Worcester — Edward White, John M. Henman, Joshua B. 
Waters. 

One of the first acts of this session was the election of Henry 
Lloyd as Governor, who had by virtue of his office of President 
of the Senate in 1884 succeeded McLane when the latter became 
Minister to France. At the next session it became the duty of 
the Legislature to elect a Governor for the balance of the term, 
and Lloyd was chosen without opposition. This was promptly 
followed up by the re-election of Senator Gorman. The caucus 
was held on January 13. Harry Welles Rusk presided and 
Thomas G. Hayes nominated Gorman in a highly eulogistic 
speech, in which he ascribed his hold upon the masses of the 
people to the fact that "he is of the people and for the people 
and against the improper encroachments of the moneyed monop- 
olists and corporations of our land." After 1895 Mr. Hayes un- 
derwent a great change of mind and heart toward Mr. Gorman. 

Equally eulogistic speeches were made by Senator Rayner 
and ex-Governor Warfield, the latter of whom said : "The 
feelings of pleasure and pride that fill me demand utterance, and 



146 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

I must say to you in behalf of myself, my colleagues and my con- 
stituents that we are proud of Arthur P. Gorman. No man can 
know Mr. Gorman as I know him without learning to love and 
respect him. Democracy had never a safer or abler leader and 
Maryland never a wiser or more faithful representative in the 
United States Senate." 

Both Mr. Warfield and Mr. Rayner also radically modified 
their admiration for Mr. Gorman in later years. 

Gorman was formally elected on January 20, receiving every 
Democratic vote. The Republicans voted for Louis E. Mc- 
Comas, who was placed in nomination by Thomas Parran, of 
Calvert county. On the day of the election Rasin, Morrison, 
Baughman, Hines, Compton, Talbott and Gorman's friends from 
oil over the State gathered in Annapolis, and the next day Gorman 
himself came down. Robert Garrett, then president of the Bal- 
timore and Ohio Railroad, with a party of friends, including 
John W. Davis, Outerbridge Horsey, James Sloane, L. Victor 
Baughman, J. McKenny White and others, arrived with Mr. 
Garrett in his private car, and that night Governor Lloyd gave 
a big reception in honor of Mr. Gorman at the Executive Man- 
sion. Because of an attack of rheumatism, Governor Lloyd had 
to remain seated during the reception, and President Warfield 
and Speaker Seth, standing side by side, introduced the guests 
to the Governor and Senator. Garrett and his friends attended, 
and he and Gorman met upon friendly terms and divided the 
honors of the occasion. Gorman was forced to make a speech, 
in which he thanked his friends for their support and eulogized 
the party. 

The next event of interest at this session was the fight between 
John S. Gittings and Stevenson Archer for the State Treasurer- 
ship. Gittings was then Treasurer and had been promised re- 
election by the leaders, who, when the time came, "threw him 
down" hard. Walter R. Townsend, now reading clerk of the 
Senate, was then a member of the House from Baltimore county 
and was decidedly independent in his proclivities, although a 
strong Democrat. Mr. Townsend had been pledged to Gittings 
before he was elected, and despite the strenuous efforts made to 
break him away he stuck to him to the last. Gittings did not real- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 147 

ize that the opposition to him was of a formidable nature until 
told so by Townsend, and then he began to fight. 

Up to within a day or so of the Treasurership caucus Town- 
send managed his fight for him and believed that had he been 
allowed by Mr. Gittings to continue to the end he could have 
elected him. At the last minute, however, Mr. Gittings broke 
up the arrangements made by Mr. Townsend and placed his fight 
in the hands of Mr. Oregon R. Benson, father of Carville D. 
Benson. The caucus was held on January 29 and Archer was 
elected by a vote of 61 to 37. It was at this session that the street 
railway companies made an attempt to repeal the park tax, the 
father of which wise measure was Thomas Swann. A big lobby 
went to Annapolis to push this bill through, but The Sun de- 
nounced the corporations and the scheme and aroused the people 
of the city to the extent of holding a massmeeting in protest. 
On the final day of the session the bill was killed, the city del- 
egation being forced to line up against it. 

In the fall following this session came the Congressional 
elections of 1886 in which Isidor Rayner and Harry Welles Rusk 
were sent to Congress for the first time. Barnes Compton de- 
feated Dr. Washington G. Tuck in the Fifth district. Rayner 
beat John V. L. Findlay in the Fourth district and in the Sixth 
Col. L. Victor Baughman made a gallant fight against great odds, 
losing by less than 300 votes. The men elected were : 

First District — Charles H. Gibson. 

Second — Frank T. Shaw. 

Third — Harry Welles Rusk. 

Fourth — Isidor Rayner. 

Fifth — Barnes Compton. 

Sixth — Louis E. McComas. 

It was in this campaign that Mr. Rayner, who had run for the 
State Senate against T. Wallis Blakistone and resigned after 
the first session to accept the nomination for Congress, in a 
speech replying to the charge of fraud in the primaries, said: 
"I would rather sign a contract never again to accept office at 
the hands of my countrymen than be elected to the highest pin 
nacle of fame through one fraudulent ballot or one tampered 
with vote." 



148 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

In reply to this Mr. S. Teackle Wallis a night or two later, 
after quoting Mr. Rayner's words, said: "And when we con- 
sider that within the sound of his voice there was not a man, 
except himself, who did not know that in those primaries there 
was cast scarcely one vote that was not a fraudulent one and 
hardly a ballot that was not tampered with, our powers of de- 
scription fail and we can only echo the desparing cry of the late 
Bill Arp, 'Geerusalem ! w^here is the cussin' man?' " 

The first move in the State campaign of 1887 came early — 
June 8 — when the Republican State Central Committee was called 
together by Chairman H. Clay Naill. Some of those present 
were Stephen R. Mason, William F. Airey, Dr. Washington G. 
Tuck, George W. Clark, William T. Henderson, Calvin D. 
Wright, John F. Thomas, Adam E. King, Talbot J. Albert, 
John F. Gore, John T. Ensor, R. W. Pearce, H. M. Clabaugh, 
B. H. Miller, John W. Cable, Charles W. Adams, C. George 
Peters, T. S. Hodson, B. Frank Lankford, Alonzo D'Arcy, 
George W. King and others. The situation was discussed in 
a general way, and it was decided to hold the convention late — 
August 24 — in order to see what tack the independent Demo- 
crats would take. The independent leaders adopted a policy 
altogether unexpected ana without precedent up to that time. 
The "fusion" game had been tried time and again without suc- 
cess, and Cowen, Keyser and the independent leaders bent upon 
the destruction of Gorman and Rasin and their candidates real- 
ized that in the Brown-Hodges campaign the Republican poli- 
ticians had not been loyal to the fusion candidates. They saw 
clearly that in a copartnership such as had been effected in that 
fight the Republican organization could not be relied upon to 
"deliver the goods." Hence, it was Mr. Cowen's idea to take 
the reform wing of the Democratic party bodily over to the 
Republican camp and, letting the Republicans name straight 
party men as their candidates, get in behind them. And that is 
what he did in the brilliant and bold manner characteristic of 
the man. 

When the Republican convention met Louis E. McComas 
presided, and some of the conspicuous party men present were 
George L. Wellington, John C. Rose, Milton G. Urner, Edward 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 149 

Stake, Adlai P. Barnes, W. W. Mclntire, William F. Airey, 
Sydney E. Mudd, Harry F. Clabaugh and others. This was the 
ticket named : 

For Governor — Walter B. Brooks, of Baltimore city. 

For Comptroller — Robert B. Dixon, of Talbot county. 

For Attorney-General — Francis Miller, of Montgomery county 

While Mr. Miller was making his speech of acceptance, Mr, 
Cowen, accompanied by Daniel Houck, of Allegany county, who 
had gone after him in a cab, entered the hall. He made a force- 
ful and eloquent speech, in which he denOiinced Gormanism and 
Rasinism, declared that Democratic promises of reform were 
"not worth a damn," and pledged himself and his friends not 
only to the support of Mr. Brooks and the Republican State 
ticket, but to the Republican municipal ticket, too, provided some 
man like David L. Bartlett or Alexander Shaw be named for 
Mayor. William L. Marbury, after Cowen closed, made a speech 
indorsing what Mr. Cowen had said, and the two speeches 
aroused tremendous enthusiasm among the Republicans, who 
saw for the first time in years real hope of electing their ticket. 
E. J. D. Cross and H. Irvine Cross had seats in the convention. 
Cowen's entrance and speech were not a spontaneous matter. 
The whole thing had been carefully planned as a substitute for 
the usual fusion movement against the Democrats by which the 
independents nominated the ticket and invited the Republicans 
to fall in line behind it. 

The Democratic convention was held nearly a month earlier 
— ^July 27. At the time the candidates discussed and considered 
in the field were E. E. Jackson, L. Victor Baughman, Frank 
Brown, James Hodges and Stevenson Archer. The name of 
Gen. A. Leo Knott was also spoken of, as was that of Henry 
D. Farnandis. Frank Brown was then postmaster, having suc- 
ceeded I. Parker Veazey, who resigned. He had not made much 
of a fight for the nomination outside of his own county, and 
was at heart for Baughman. 

Mr. Gorman and Mr. Rasin were "under cover" for Jackson 
all the time. They knew they could make him when they pleased, 
but no one was taken into their confidence, not even Jackson. 
Rasin was on the surface for Hodges and had to be because of 



150 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

the promises made for him by Lanahan and because of the ex- 
tent to which Hodges had rewarded his friends. He had to dem- 
onstrate to Hodges first that he could not be made. Gorman was 
ostensibly hands off, and Baughman made a great fight. With 
his own county and the other Western Maryland delegations he 
had a strong following, and his personal popularity gained him 
other votes. Edwin Warfield, who was a delegate from Howard, 
was his friend and voted for him, as did the other Howard county 
delegate. Brown and the Carroll county votes were ready to 
go for him if he needed them to win, and he and his friends were 
full of hope. Jackson had back of him the solid Eastern Shore, 
and that was all he did have. John Walter Smith was a delegate 
fiom Worcester and led the Jackson forces. Smith and Jackson, 
with Robert F. Brattan and other Eastern Shore leaders, main- 
tained headquarters at Barnum's Hotel, and the night before 
the convention the hotel lobby presented a scene of excitement 
and life, with the candidates entertaining and their friends hust- 
ling for them. When the convention met Mr. Bernard Carter 
was chosen as the presiding officer. The late Judge James Mc- 
Sherry was a delegate from Frederick and the leader of the 
Baughman forces. Governor Lloyd, Thomas J. Keating, J. F. 
C. Talbott, Col. Buchanan Schley, Charles B. Roberts, Frank 
T. Shaw, John Gill, Congressman Rayner and Rusk and hun- 
dreds of other prominent Democrats were on hand. 

Gorman called the convention to order and then left the stage. 
The platform was adopted, indorsing Cleveland and his Admin- 
istration and the nominations were then called for. Congress- 
man Shaw nominated Frank Brown, Judge McSherry nominated 
Baughman, William S. Young named Stevenson Archer and 
James E. Ellegood nominated Jackson. The first ballot re- 
sulted as follows : 

Jackson, 34; Baughman. 28; Hodges, 25; Brown, 21, and 
Archer, 9. 

Three more ballots were taken with slight variations, but with 
the order of the candidates remaining unchanged. The fifth 
ballot was : 

Jackson, 36; Baughman, 34; Hodges, 22; Brown, 20, and 
Archer, 5. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 151 

While the fifth ballot was being taken Gorman, who had been 
sitting in a box, had a short conference with Rasin, and then 
sent for Hines, Bannon and Talbott. The latter was for any- 
one except Baughman — not because he did not like Baughman, 
but because he happened by chance that year to have ii Cath- 
olics on his county ticket and he feared that if a Catholic were 
nominated for Governor a religious issue might be raised which 
would endanger the whole ticket. His delegates had been vot- 
ing for Brown, but he saw that Baughman could only be beaten 
with Jackson and had for several ballots been anxious to break 
away. 

When he was called into the box Mr. Gorman said : "We 
must end this business now." Mr. Talbott said : "Well, my 
county is going for Jackson and that will settle it." "Yes," 
said Mr. Gorman, "but we had better wait until the next ballot." 
It was then agreed that on the next ballot a break should be 
made and Jackson nominated. 

While this conference in the box had been going on the tak- 
ing of the fifth ballot had ended and the roll-call for the sixth 
started. They had already called Allegany county. Mr. Talbott 
then and there made up his mind that he would consider this the 
"next" ballot and would take no chances, as there was a sus- 
picion in his mind that Rasin and Gorman might yet switch to 
Baughman and he wanted to beat him at all hazards — considered 
it necessary from a political standpoint. Accordingly, he sent 
for N. Charles Burke, now judge of the Court of Appeals, but 
then one of the ii Catholics on the ticket — being the candidate 
for State's Attorney. 

"Go down there," said Mr. Talbott, "and tell those seven del- 
egates I say to vote for Jackson on this ballot." Mr. Burke was 
only too glad to get this message, as he, too, saw the danger in 
Baughman's nomination for the Baltimore county ticket, and 
a minute later the vote of the county was cast for Jackson. That 
started it. There was a rush for the band wagon and when the 
smoke cleared away Jackson was nominated, the final vote being: 

Jackson, 65; Baughman. 34; Hodges, o; Brown. 13, and 
Archer, 5. 



152 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

That Gorman and Rasin had things absolutely in their hands 
can be seen by a comparison of the fifth and sixth ballots. On 
the last ballot, when the "word" went out for Jackson, the 22 
votes that had been up to that point cast for Hodges were bodily 
transferred to Jackson, and Mr. Hodges was left in the humil- 
iating position of having his name before the convention with- 
out a single vote to stick to him. Brown held 13 of his votes, 
Baughman kept his 34 and Archer the 5 from his county. Hodges 
alone was without a friend. The transfer could have been 
effected and the nomination made just as easily on the first or 
second ballot as on the sixth, but both Mr. Gorman and Mr. 
Rasin preferred to play the game the other way. 

Immediately after the nomination Mr. Talbott got hold of 
Mr. Jackson, put him in a carriage and drove with him to the 
hotel. On the way he showed him how it was he who had led the 
break for him and got him to promise to retain Jesse K. Hines 
as Insurance Commissioner and to give Talbott the position of 
State Weigher for a friend, both of which promises were kept. 

The convention took a recess until night. During the inter- 
vening hours Mr. Gorman had a talk with General Baughman 
and pacified him to the extent of inducing him to accept the 
nomination for Comptroller. In so doing it has been held by 
Colonel Baughman's friends he made the political blunder of 
his life. Had he refused the nomination and started in then, 
as did Frank Brown, to make his second fight for the nomination, 
with his great personal popularity and strength, there is little 
doubt that he could have landed the prize four years later. He 
yielded, however, to that charm of manner which Mr. Gorman 
possessed to such an unusual degree. 

After getting Baughman's consent, Mr. Gorman took him 
with him to Jackson's room in Barnum's Hotel. There he found 
Jackson, Smith, Robert F. Brattan and one or two other Eastern 
Shore leaders. 

After congratulating Jackson, Mr. Gorman asked: "Mr. 
Jackson, will your friends vote for Baughman for Comptroller?" 
Mr. Jackson, Mr. Smith, Mr. Brattan and the others expressed 
themselves as only too delighted. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 153 

"Now," continued Mr. Gorman, "will your friends vote for 
William Pinkney Wliyte for Attorney-General?" 

"What?" cried Mr. Brattan. "Can yon stand for that?" 

"Well," said Mr. Gorman, with a smile, "Rasin thinks it is 
too expensive for him to have Whyte's friends sulking here in 
the city, and if I can stand it, I guess you fellows ought not to 
have much trouble." 

That was about all there was to it. When the convention re- 
convened Baughman and Whyte were both nominated by accla- 
mation. 

Whatever else may be said about this fight, there is no doubt 
that Gorman and Rasin played mighty good politics in the make- 
up of their ticket. 



CHAPTER XVI 



The Political Warfare Between A. P. Gorman and John K. 
Co wen. Legislatures of 1888 and 1890. 



About this time, when Jackson was nominated for Governor 
in 1887, Maryland politics resolved itself into a duel between 
Arthur P. Gorman and John K. Cowen. Gorman furnished the 
brains and the money on one side and Cowen on the other. The 
recognized head of the independent Democrats of the State^ 
Cowen was also the power that moved and swayed the Repub- 
lican machine. Without him it made no move. Not many of 
the independent followers of Mr. Cowen and few of the pro- 
fessional reformers realized the extent of his dominance in the 
Republican organization, but in campaign after campaign he 
directed its policy and practically selected its candidates. In 
this game he well concealed his hand. He had two ways of 
playing it. Sometimes he had the independents nominate can- 
didates and then, compelling the Republican leaders to refrain 
from putting a ticket in the field, swung them in behind the men 
he had picked. At others he forced the Republicans to nomi- 
nate men on their ticket acceptable to him and then led his inde- 
pendent and leform following bodily over to the Republican 
camp. In either case his aim was the same — to effect a combi- 
nation of forces that would crush Gorman. In a way he was as 
much of a boss as Gorman, and his fights were not always in- 
spired by pure patriotism either. There were railroad reasons 
back of his attack at the start and the Baltimore and Ohio, in pol- 
itics as in other matters, was always the first consideration with 
him. 

Gorman saw clearly the control exercised by Cowen over the 
Republican machine and recognized perfectly that Cowen was 
the real force that menaced him. 

"John K. Cowen, the man from Ohio, he said in a speech in 
the Jackson campaign, "is the man back of all this. He is fur- 

154 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 155 

nishing the brains, the RepubHcans the body and, I suppose, he 
will also furnish the fat." 

Realizing that the Republicans had not supported George Wil- 
liam Brown in the Hodges-Brown fight with the zeal he had 
hoped, Mr. Cowen adopted his other plan for the 1887 campaign. 
After his speech in the Republican State Convention, in which 
he pledged himself and his friends to the support of the Repub- 
lican State ticket, he set himself to work to bring about the nom- 
ination by the Republicans as their Mayoralty candidate of the 
man he had suggested in his speech — David L. Bartlett. In this 
he succeeded and the Republican leaders complaisantly did his 
bidding. Then Bartlett hesitated to make the fight and Cowen 
promptly came to the front with his independent Democratic 
wing. A meeting was held at 14 East Lexington street on 
September 15, and among those who petitioned Mr. Bartlett to 
accept the nomination, pledging him their support, were Roger 
W. Cull, Francis K. Carey, W. Starr Gephart, W. Cabell Bruce, 
John E. Semmes, Allan McLane, S. Teackle Wallis, Thomas S. 
Baer, William Reynolds, Joseph Packard, John K. Cowen. 
Richard M. Venable, J. Southgate Lemmon, E. J. D. Cross, H. 
Irvine Keyser, W. Irvine Cross, John Gill of R., Archibald B. 
Coulter, William Winchester, H. C. McComas, George C. Hooper 
and R. Brent Keyser. 

Mr. Bartlett yielded and Mr. Cowen then let the Republicans 
fix up for themselves the minor places on the ticket, holding them 
off, however, from making any nomination for State's Attorney, 
that being almost as vitally important a place as the Mayoralty. 
At this time Charles G. Kerr was State's Attorney and was re- 
nominated by the Democrats. Mr. Edgar H. Gans had for eight 
years been the Deputy State's Attorney, and had made for him- 
self a fine record for independence and ability. One night before 
the Republican City Convention Mr. Gans was invited to dinner 
at the home of Mr. Wallis. There he found, besides Mr. Wallis. 
Mr. Cowen, Mr. Keyser, Mr. Cross and a few others. At this 
dinner the proposition was made to Mr. Gans to run as an inde- 
pendent candidate for the State's Attorneyship and he was assur- 
ed of the Republican indorsement. Mr. Gans was extremely re- 
luctant to make the fight, chiefly because Mr. Kerr, the regular 



156 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Democratic candidate, was his chief. He was finally induced to 
declare himself, and a few days later the Republicans unani- 
mously indorsed his candidacy and refrained from naming a can- 
didate. 

It had been intended by Mr. Rasin to nominate for Mayor 
Christian Devries, but Mr. Devries declined at the last moment on 
the score of his health, and the nomination again went to Latrobe 
almost by default. George May was on the Democratic ticket 
as a candidate for Sheriff after bavins: served out his term in the 
Council. Another Democratic candidate indorsed by the Repub- 
licans at the instance of Cowen was Judge J- Upshur Dennis, 
who had been appointed to the Supreme Bench to succeed Judge 
Fisher when Judge Fisher resigned. Financed, directed and 
inspired by Cowen, the campaign was one of tremendous bitter- 
ness and the very lim.it was reached in denunciation and abuse. 
So far did the reformers go in characterizing the Democratic 
leaders and the Democratic officeholders as scoundrels and 
thieves and such outrageous practices were attributed to them 
that The Sun, which took no part in this campaign beyond 
printing the news, was led to counsel moderation upon the stump 
fcnd urge that the bitterness and ferocity of the attacks were 
injuring the State and city in the eyes of the country. 

This editorial led Col. Charles Marshall to reply in a speech 
in which he ridiculed the attitude of The Sun, spoke of an edi- 
torial it had printed in the heat of the campaign upon "The 
Pursuit of Happiness" and made his famous statement that 
"The Sun advocated happiness in a guarded sort of manner." 
Stevenson Archer had at this time succeeded Gorman as chair- 
man of the State Central Committee and Daniel E. Conklin was 
chairman of the Republican State Committee. 

It was in this campaign that William Cabell Bruce strongly 
advocated the election of Bartlett and engaged in a heated news- 
paper controversy with ex-Mayor James Hodges, whom Mr. 
Bruce, in a characteristic letter, flayed as inconsistent and ab- 
surd. Mr. S. Davies Warfield appeared in this fight for the 
first time. He had become a friend and ardent admirer of Mr. 
Cowen's and for years was close personally and politically to 
him. He was, in fact, his righthand man in most of the fights 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 157 

Mr. Cowen made from this time until his death. Mr. Warfield 
came out in an open letter for the whole Republican ticket, State 
and municipal, denounced Gormanism and Rasinism and declared 
that "the only means left to real Democrats for suppressing the 
fraudulent practices by which such men as Latrobe and Gorman 
disgraced their party and used it for their own base purposes 
was to support the Republican ticket. He appealed to the work- 
men of the city, who, he declared, had elected his father Mayor 
in 1875, to vote against Latrobe and Jackson. 

William L. Marbury, William Cabell Bruce, William Keyser 
and others took the stump against the Democrats, and all over 
the city hot shot was poured into Rasin and Gorman. The Re- 
form League, which had then come into existence, made charges 
of registration frauds, which were indignantly repudiated by 
Chairman Archer for the Democrats, who in turn charged that 
Mr. Cowen and the Republicans were importing negroes into 
the State for repeating purposes. The first of the Mt. Carmel 
meetings, which have since been held every four years, occurred 
in this campaign, and Gorman made his main speech of the cam- 
paign there. "It is too much to expect," he said, "that Mr. 
Wallis should tell the truth about me in this fight. I for one am 
accustomed to abuse and care nothing about it. General Latrobe 
is, I think, like me and would feel disappointed if he were not 
abused every day by the other side. I do say, however, that at 
the head of this syndicate of villifiers of their State stands John 
K. Cowen — the man from Ohio — who has been treated with 
great kindness by our people." 

In the city the regular Democrats held many meetings in a 
big effort to arouse enthusiasm and keep the tide turned their 
way. On October 6 a big massmeeting was held, at which 
speeches were made by Judge Fisher, Congressman Isidor Ray- 
ner, Attorney-General William Pinkney Whyte and other prom- 
inent party men. George May's candidacy brought strength to 
the ticket, and the young men of the Baltimore and Maryland 
Clubs attended the meetings and hotly campaigned for him. 
William Shepard Bryan, James P. Gorter, Stephen Bonsai, R. 
M. Sutton, T. Edward Hambleton, N. Rufus Gill, Harry Parr. 
William P. Harvey, Dr. Alan P. Smith, and J. Seth Hopkins 



158 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

were some of those who supported the ticket with enthusiasm. 
The fight got hotter and hotter, and for a while the Democratic 
leaders were frightened. The election gave the Mayoralty again 
to Latrobe by more than 4,000 plurality. George May was 
elected Sheriff and Charles G. Kerr again became State's Attor- 
ney. William J. Ogden was the Labor party's candidate for 
Mayor and received 112 votes. Jackson's majority for Governor 
was more than 10,000, and the whole Democratic State ticket 
went through without a break. Mr. Summerfield Baldwin was 
the Prohibition candidate for Governor in this campaign, and the 
call for a constitutional convention was defeated. 

The personnel of the Legislature of 1888 elected with Jack- 
son was as follows : 

SENATE. 

Allegany — W. M. McKaig. 
Anne Arundel — J. Wirt Randall. 
Baltimore County — James J. Lindsay. 

Baltimore City — John B. Wentz, Charles Ridgely Goodwin 
and Charles S. Adams. 

Frederick — Milton G. Urner. 
Garrett — R. T. Browning. 
Harford — John Sappington. 
Howard — William B. Peter. 
Kent — William B. Burchinal. 
Montgomery — George Peter. 
Calvert — W. C. Somervill. 
Carroll — P. J. Bennett. 
Cecil — Clinton McCullough. 
Charles — R. H. Edelin. 
Caroline — G. W. Goldsborough. 
Dorchester — James H. Johnson. 
Prince George's — Charles T. Clagett. 
Queen Anne's — John B. Brown. 
St. Mary's — R. Johnson Colton. 
Somerset — Robert F. Brattan. 
Talbot— T. T. Tunis. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 159 

Washington — Edward Stake. 
Wicomico — E. Stanley Toadvin. 
Worcester — Samuel K. Dennis. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany — J. N. Benson, William Broderick, J. A. Cunning- 
ham, and W. Scott Fuller. 

Anne Arundel — T. John Bowie, James Cheston, S. V. Baker 
and George W. Hatch. 

Baltimore County — John Hubner, George B. Gott, Charles R. 
Whiteford, D. A. Boone, J. Nelson Darby and John A. Smith. 

Baltimore City — First district, W. H. Thompson, E. D. Fitz- 
gerald, Peter J. Campbell, John Hannibal and John B. Keplin- 
ger; Second, Alexander H. Robertson, Patrick Reilly, Henry 
Barger, Charles D. Gaither, James W. Denny and George Col- 
ton; Third, John McKnight, John B. Nichols, Martin R. Joyce, 
John A. McGarry, John H. Schaffer, Jr., and William Sanders 
Carr. 

Calvert — L. McK. Griffith and Harry P. Owings. 

Carroll — D. A. C. Webster, W. P. Gorsuch, Daniel Ebaugh 
and Benjamin F. Selby. 

Cecil— R. C. Mackell, Michael Moore and S. J. Caldwell. 

Charles — F. M. Cox, John T. Davis and Adrian Posey. 

Caroline — J. C. Horsey, and Thomas R. Green. 

Dorchester — Zora H. Brinsfield, D. W. Newberry and S. 
Lynn Percy. 

Frederick — Jacob Rohrback, D. E. Buckey, Manassas T. 
Grove, S. M. Birely and W. P. Morsell. 

Garrett — George W. Wilson, and T. H. Bittinger. 

Harford— Walter W. Preston, W. S. Bowman, Henry W. 
Archer and Noble L. Mitchell. 

Kent — James H. Baker and John Brice. 

Montgomer} — Edward Wootten, O. H. P. Clark and Philip 
D. Laird. 

Prince George's — Frederick Sasscer, Thomas H. Perrie and 
Francis M. Hall. 

Queen Anne's — James Roe, John B. Thomas and John T. 
Norman. 



leO THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Somerset — Robert F. Maddox, George T. Rowe and George 
W. Howith. 

St. Mary's — Washington Wilkinson and D. E. Graves. 

Talbot — Thomas K. Robson, William Collins and P. Addison 
Morgan. 

Washington — John H. Harp, J. J. Koontz, W. H. A. Hamit- 
ton and Marine Lamar. 

Wicomico— T. W, H. White, Walter C. Mann and Clayton 
C. Parker. 

Worcester — George M. Upshur, Francis H. Purnell and Lem- 
uel W. Olney. 

George M. Upshur, of Worcester, was elected Speaker of the 
House, and George Peter, of Montgomery, became President of 
the Senate. At this session Walter R. Townsend, who had been 
a member in 1886, became reading clerk for the first time. Ex- 
cept during the two sessions in which the Republicans were in 
control he has held this place on either the House or Senate side 
ever since. Stevenson Archer was re-elected Treasurer. John 
Gill — later Congressman — and J. Q. A. Robson became Police 
Commissioners, Thomas C. Weeks was appointed chief of the 
Bureau of Labor Statistics, and Clinton P. Paine, Joseph B. Staf- 
ford and Robert Ober were made Supervisors of Elections for 
Baltimore city. 

The two most stirring incidents of that session of the Legisla- 
ture were the defeat of the Redistricting bill and the stealing of 
the $1.25 gas bill. The first measure was the occasion of one of 
the most exciting scenes that ever occurred in the House of 
Delegates. The bill was really conceived by and introduced in the 
interests of J. F. C. Talbott, and its principal feature was the 
taking of Carroll county out of the Second Congressional dis- 
trict and the placing of it in the Sixth. It happened at that time 
that the Second district was represented in Congress by Dr. 
Frank T. Shaw, of Carroll county. Mr. Talbott desired to re- 
gain his seat, and the easiest way he could think of was to move 
Dr. Shaw and his entire county into another district. This 
would, he believed, leave him a clear field, and he would have no 
difficulty in landing the nomination in the fall. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 161 

The State leaders — Mr. Gorman and the others — agreed to 
push the bill, and did so, but it was fought most fiercely from 
the start. Congressman Barnes Compton was one of those who 
opposed it, and the struggle was bitter and prolonged. Grad- 
ually, however, the managers forced the bill out of the committee 
in the House and through to its third reading. 

It came up on its third reading and final pasage one day when 
both sides were ready for the fray. Walter R. Townsend was 
reading clerk and, of course, for the bill. He called the roll and 
found that 45 votes had been cast for and 45 against the meas- 
ure. It required 46 to pass the bill, and Mr. Townsend promptly 
began to spar for time. He winked at one of the Baltimore 
county delegates, who came to the desk, and after a hurried 
whisper returned to his seat and demanded that the vote be ver- 
ified. Slowly Townsend called the names, with an excited crowd 
around him. He found time to say to Fitzgerald, of the city 
delegation, who was for the bill : "We need one more vote. Go 
down and get old man Perrie to change. He promised to vote 
aye and he voted against." While Fitzgerald worked on 
Perrie, Townsend called the names, stringing the thing along 
as slowly as possible. Finally, when the last name was called 
and there was no longer any excuse, the opponents of the bill 
began to shout "Announce the vote," "Announce the vote." 

Townsend still delayed, and a rush was made to the desk to 
compel him to hand up the roUcall. He started to do so when 
he saw Mr. Perrie, of Prince George's, rise in his seat. He 
snatched the rollcall back and whispered to the Speaker — George 
M. Upshur — "Recognize Perrie." Mr. Upshur recognized Mr. 
Perrie, and that gentleman changed his vote from no to aye. 

Immediately there was wild excitement and a dash of the op- 
ponents of the bill to Perrie to make him change back. The 
House was thrown into great confusion. Mr. Townsend re- 
corded the change and handed the rollcall to the Speaker, just 
as Mr. Cox, of Charles county, who had voted for the bill, rose 
and shouted : 

"Mr. Speaker, I want to change my vote." 

"Don't recognize him," said Mr. Townsend to the Speaker. 
"Announce the vote." 



162 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

The next moment the Speaker did announce the vote — 46 
for and 44 against — while the House was in an uproar. 

A number of opponents of the bill ran to the reading clerk's 
desk with the evident intention of assaulting Mr. Townsend, 
but his friends were equally quick, and although the excitement 
lasted for some minutes an open fight was averted and the House 
adjourned. The bill was later killed in the Senate, and Carroll 
county is still in the Second district. Mr. Talbott tried the same 
thing some years later more successfully, when he succeeded in 
taking Cecil out of the Second and placing it in the First dis- 
trict, thereby removing Austin L. Crothers as a possible candi- 
Gate against him. 

This Legislature was closely followed by the national cam- 
paign of 1888, when Cleveland had his second nomination and 
his first defeat. It was against Gorman's advice that he ran, 
and the management of the national campaign was placed in 
other hands. The Maryland delegation was for Qeveland in 
the convention, and the delegates were: 

At Large — A. P. Gorman, German H. Hunt, L. Victor Baugh- 
man and John B. Brown. 

First District — W. Sydney Wilson and Thomas Humphreys. 

Second — N. Charles Burke and James R. Whiteford. 

Third — Albert Ritchie and Frank A. Furst. 

Fourth — William T. Biedler and Robert Grain. 

Fifth — Richard H. Edelin and Thomas H. Hunt. 

Sixth — Buchanan Schley and Daniel Annan. 

The Presidential electors chosen at the State convention werer 

At Large — James Hodges and Henry Page. 

First District— W. Scott Roberts. 

Second — James G. Berret. 

Thiid— Willoughby N. Smith. 

Fourth — L Gorham Moale. 

Fifth— R. C. Combs. 

Sixth— Hattersly W. Talbott. 

John K. Cowen supported the Democratic ticket on the issue 
of tariff reform and made a number of speeches in favor of 
Cleveland and the Democratic Congressmen. It was at this 
election that Isidor Raynor was defeated by Judge Henry 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 163 

Stockbridge. Judge Stockbridge, who was then anything but a 
prominent lawyer, was nominated by the RepubHcans without 
any real expectation either upon their part or his of winning. 
Everyone believed Mr. Rayner would have a walkover, but when 
the votes were counted it was found Stockbridge had been 
elected by a narrow margin. 

He was, it is said, on the night of the election in the office of 
the Baltimore American where he was employed, going over the 
returns and helping keep tab on the general result. Someone 
came to him there and told him he had been elected over Rayner. 
"Oh, go away and don't bother me," he is said to have replied, 
believing that a joke was being made at his expense. It is said 
that the Glassblowers' Union in Baltimore really caused Mr. Ray- 
ner's defeat at this time. It had some sort of grievance against 
him because of some action he had taken in Congress, and it or- 
ganized and campaigned against him. It had just about enough 
votes to defeat him. The Congressmen elected were : 

First District — Charles H. Gibson. 

Second — Herman Stump. 

Third— Harry Welles Rusk. 

Fourth — Henry Stockbridge. 

Fifth — Barnes Compton. 

Sixth — Louis E. McComas. 

There were some unique features to the State and municipal 
campaign of 1889 that followed. It was in this year that Robert 
C. Davidson was nominated for Mayor. He had been selected 
by the Iroquois Club as its candidate for the City Council. 
Harry Welles Rusk and his brother-in-law, John Adams, of the 
firm of Carroll, Adams & Co., told Mr. Rasin about Davidson 
and what a strong man he was. Mr. Rasin asked to have him 
brought up to see him. He was brought and as a result Mr. 
Rasin settled on him as the organization candidate for the Mayor- 
alty, again sidetracking Latrobe. He did not, however, permit 
Davidson to be brought out as his or the organization candidate. 
Instead there was organized the Business Men's Democratic 
Association, with William A. Fisher president, Daniel Miller 
treasurer and Willoughby N. Smith as secretary. This asso- 
ciation brought Davidson out as its candidate, put up delegates 



164 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

in the various wards, went into the primaries and elected them. 
Davidson was nominated in the city convention as the business 
men's candidate, just as Rasin planned he should be. Some of 
the members of the association were Frank A. Furst, Robert 
Ober, John E. Hurst, John Hubert, Clinton P. Paine, Mark O. 
Shriver, Frank H. Hambleton, W. T. Biedler, Lloyd L. Jackson, 
John C. Legg, W. J. H. Walters, Hiram Dudley, Andrew W. 
Woodall and Samuel Snowden. At the same time Davidson 
was nominated. Henry D. Harlan was named by the Democrats 
for Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench ; James Bond was re-nom- 
inated for Clerk of the Superior Court, George McCaffrey was 
named for Sheriff and Augustus Bouldin for City Surveyor. 

The independent Democrats, led by Cowen, and the Repub- 
licans inspired by Cowen, again got together and at the Eutaw 
House nominated a Cowen ticket: 

For Mayor — Alexander Shaw, Republican. 

Clerk of the Superior Court — Thomas E. McCready, inde- 
pendent. 

Sheriff — Thomas McCosker, independent. 

Chief Judge — Robert H. Smith, Republican. 

Chief Surveyor — Gilbert H. Bryson, Republican. 

Among the fusion nominees for the House of Delegates were 
these : 

William L. Marbury, Roger W. Cull, George A. Dubreuil, 
George F. Gephart, David S. Briscoe and James McColgan. 

W. Benton Crisp was a fusion candidate for State Senator. 
The Republican City Convention indorsed this ticket and the 
fight was made along fusion lines. It was about this time that 
Mr. S. Davies Warfield organized and became president of the 
Jefferson Democratic Association and assumed charge of the 
fusion fight as Chairman of the campaign committee. 

The Democratic State Convention at Concordia Opera House 
on September 26 was presided over by ex-Mayor Hodges. It 
cheered Cleveland and renominated Baughman for Comptroller. 
On October i the Republicans nominated for State Comptroller 
George L. Wellington, who was placed in nomination in a most 
eloquent speech by Louis E. McComas. Daniel E. Conklin 
called the convention to order and Jacob J. Weaver presided. 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 165 

Bernard Carter, William Shepard Bryan, John P. Poe, Robert 
M. McLane, Judge Fisher and James B. Guyton were some of 
the men active on the stump for the Democratic ticket in this 
fight. Marbury, Bruce, Cull, Cowen, Keyser and others led the 
fight for the other side. 

Gorman overlooked all the others and directed his batteries 
against Cowen as the real man making the fight. He attacked 
Cowen in a vigorous speech in which he pointed out the rail- 
road reasons of Cowen's activity. Cowen in a four column letter 
in The Sun replied. Gorman replied to that and this produced 
another letter from Cowen. The controversy in the newspapers 
and on the stump was a heated one and culminated when Cowen, 
on October 26, introduced at a big meeting in the Concordia 
Opera House Bill Harig and Charley Goodman, who gave a 
remarkable recital of alleged frauds which they claimed to have 
perpetrated at the instance of the Ring, accusing Gorman and 
Rasin and other leaders of instigating them. 

Immediately the Democrats brought out the fact that prior 
to this meeting, Harig and Goodman had spent two hours alone 
with Cowen in the Baltimore and Ohio Building, and accused 
Cowen of having manufactured the whole business and re- 
hearsed these men in it. The charges on this incident were rung 
until the close of the campaign, which resulted in the election of 
Baughman and the State ticket by about 11,000 and Davidson 
by about 4,000 majority. 

At the session of the Legislature of 1890 that followed Rob- 
ert F. Brattan was President of the Senate and John Hubner 
Speaker of the House. The complete personnel was as follows : 

SENATE. 

Allegany — George A. Pearre. 
Anne Arundel — John Wirt Randall. 
Baltimore County — James J. Lindsay. 

Baltimore City — John B. Wentz, John P. Poe and Charles S. 
Adams. 

Calvert — W. C. Somervill. 
Caroline — John F. Dawson. 



166 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Carroll — Pinkney J. Bennett. 
Cecil— John S. Wirt. 
Charles — Adrian Posey. 
Dorchester — George E. Austin. 
Frederick — Milton G. Urner. 
Garrett— William R. Getty. 
Harford — Benjamin Silver, Jr. 
Howard — William B. Peter. 
Kent— W. D. Burchinal. 
Montgomery — Edward Wootten. 
Prince George's — Charles E. Coffin. 
Queen Anne's — John B. Brown. 
Somerset — Robert F. Brattan. 
St. Mary's — Washington Wilkinson. 
Talbot — Edward Lloyd. 
Washington — Edward Stake. 
Wicomico — E. Stanley Toadvin. 
Worcester — John Walter Smith. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany — J. A. Cunningham, James A. Mullin, James M. 
Mair, James G. Williams 

Anne Arundel — D. W. G. Williams, George W. Hyde, Jr., 
J. R. Brashears, J. F. Krems. 

Baltimore City — First district, C. J. Philbin, E. D. Fitzgerald, 
M. A. McCormick, Theodore B. Fox, W. M. Eraser, John B. 
Keplinger ; Second, George Colton, J. Harry Preston, Henry 
Bargar, Charles H. Carter, H. C. Cox, J. Henning Jones ; Third, 
John Jamison, E. G. Rost, C. W. Brown, R. F. Beauchamp, J. 
E. Swindell, W. C. Harden. 

Baltimore County — John Hubner, Frank Parlett, E. N. Rich, 
Dr. J. H. Drach, William Slade, L. B. McCabe. 

Calvert — Tilghman Spanklin, Francis Gantt. 

Caroline — George W. Raughley, E. E. Goslin. 

Carroll— Frank T. Shaw, B. F. Selby, J. L. Still, M. E. Walsh. 

Cecil — Thomas Pearce, Hiester Hess, W. H. Sincoe. 

Charles— Dr. G. D. Mudd, P. A. L. Contee. W. DeC. Mitchell. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 167 

Dorchester— W. T. Stapleforte, W. S. Craft, E. T. Mace. 

Frederick — F. G. Thomas, Ezra Minnick, F. C. Norwood, W. 
P. Morsell, J. W. Kaufman. 

Garrett— G. W. Merrill, H. M. Kemp. 

Harford— W. W. Preston, W. B. Hopkins, G. W. Richardson, 
Noble L. Mitchell. 

Howard — E. Green Selby, W. E. Linn. 

Kent — F. H. Taylor, Samuel Vannort. 

Montgomery — P. D. Laird, William Kilgour, John A, 
Clements. 

Prince George's— W. A. Meloy, R. V. Hall, R. C. E. Parker. 

Queen Anne's — W. W. Busteed, William E. Temple, W. P. 
Thompson. 

Somerset — A. L. Dryden, B. K. Green, W. E. Ford. 

St. Mary's— J. F. Cecil, J. H. Ching. 

Talbot — J. M. Lowe, C. R. Leonard, William Collins. 

Washington — Martin L. Keedy, John H. Harp, Moses Whit- 
son, Lewis C. Remsburg. 

Wicomico— Dr. G. W. Truitt, J. K. Covington, T. N. Hearn. 

Worcester — E. W. McMaster, S. W. Lane, R. J. Showell. 

It was at this session that United States Senator E. K. Wil- 
son was re-elected to the Senate. Governor Jackson was at first 
an avowed candidate, and for several weeks before the Legisla- 
ture met his friends were hustling for him and he believed he 
stood a show. On January 7, however, he went to Baltimore, 
the Legislature then being in session, and there had a talk with 
both Mr. Gorman and Mr. Rasin. The next day he withdrew 
his name as a candidate, and on January 10 the caucus nomi- 
nated Wilson by acclamation. It was John Walter Smith who 
nominated him in caucus and it was Smith who led the fight for 
Wilson's re-election. Smith was then holding his first public 
office, having been elected after the hottest primary fight that 
ever occurred in Worcester county, the result of which was to 
establish him as the undisputed county leader over George Cov- 
ington. From then on his power in politics grew and has been 
growing ever since. 

It was at this session of the Legislature that The Sun made 
its great gas fight, which resulted in the killing of the bill which 



168 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

would have given the Consolidated Gas Company the right for 
25 years to sell gas at $1.25. The overwhelming sensation of 
the session, however, was the defalcation of Stevenson Archer, 
then Treasurer, the shock of which lasted many months. It 
was in the Jackson administration that J. F. C. Talbott became 
Insurance Commissioner and many other stalwarts came into 
their own. The Archer business effectively eliminated Colonel 
Baughman as a Gubernatorial possibility. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



How Frank Brown Became Governor and "Charlie" Gibson 
Went to the Senate. 



In many respects the campaign and the administration of 
Frank Brown as Governor differed from that of any other man 
who has held the office. Not only was he unquestionably the 
most popular Gubernatorial candidate since Oden Bowie, but he 
made an excellent Governor. Moreover, he was the first man 
for a good many years who nominated himself and did not owe 
the office directly to the bosses. 

It was in 1885 in the Brown-Hodges campaign that he got 
his start. The leaders were frightened in that fight and no stone 
was left unturned to win. Frank Brown was then postmaster 
and he became treasurer of the executive committee that managed 
the campaign in the city. He was popular, strong, energetic 
and resourceful. It was he who raised the money that made it 
possible to win the fight, and to him generally was given a large 
part of the credit for the victory. In this year he organized the 
first Business Men's Organization, making J. McKenney White 
president and bringing to the support of Hodges an element 
that counted for much. When the Legislature of 1886 met he 
was offered by the leaders the office of State Treasurer, but 
declined because of his intention of making a fight for the Gov- 
ernorship. The next year he made his first effort to get the nom- 
ination and went into the convention with a considerable follow- 
ing, not enough to nominate, but sufficient to make of him a 
factor. After Jackson had been named Brown urged Baughman 
not to accept the Comptrollership nomination, pointing out to 
him his reasons for considering it a blunder, and announcing 
to the leaders then and there that he was a candidate four years 
hence. In the room of Senator Gorman at Barnum's Hotel he 
told them: 

169 



170 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

"I just want to tell you Fm a candidate. The rest of these 
fellows will have to keep off the grass. I'll be the next Governor 
of Maryland. Four years from now will be my time." 

That was the spirit with which he started his fight and he 
carried it through to the end. The organization was under ob- 
ligations to Hodges and started out with the intention of nom- 
mating him. Brown never halted for a moment after he made 
his announcement. He consulted no leaders and waited for 
no developments, but went ahead with his fight in his own way. 
He went into county after county and organized it for himself, 
his proposition to the county politicians being that all he wanted 
was the delegation to the State Convention and that they could 
name everything else on the ticket and do as they pleased in 
reference to the United States Senatorship. With a sentiment 
already existing for him in every county, with the "Farmer 
Brown" slogan ringing all over the State, many of the county 
leaders "fell for" this proposition. 

George Colton, the suave, smooth man of long experience, 
was one of his earliest agents, who went from county to county 
in his interest. Joel Haddaway Rowlensen was another, and 
both were useful in fixing up deals and getting the fag end of 
the opposition in the- counties in line, distracting attention from 
Brown, who himself framed up the real combinations that gave 
him strength. Long before the convention Brown gave a dinner 
at Hazazer's Hall, to which he invited the Republican as well 
as Democratic editors of the State, and there made a public an- 
nouncement of his candidacy. To the amazement of some of 
the leaders then against him several of the Republican editors 
got up at the dinner and declared for him. With the county 
press, the leaders in some of the counties and the people gen- 
erally with him, Gorman and Rasin soon saw that even if it were 
possible for them to beat Brown it would mean the straining of 
the machine almost to the breaking point. This conclusion was 
forced on them after the primaries and conventions in Cecil and 
Talbot counties. In the primaries the organization managers 
believed they had carried both these counties against Brown, but 
when the county conventions were held Brown got the delegates 
in each. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 171 

This convinced Gorman and Rasin that Brown simply could 
not be beaten. From that time on they dropped the idea of nom- 
inating Hodges and practically made no fight agairbt Brown. 
Two weeks before the convention Brown got word that his son, 
who was then in Europe with his mother, was seriously ill, and 
he was cabled by the physician to come at once. He dropped 
everything and took the first boat for the other side. Before 
leaving, however, he went over to Washington and saw Mr. 
Gorman. He told him what had happened and then said that 
he would have to leave things up in the air, but he had a ma- 
jority of the delegates — more than 70 — and that he did not think 
it would be wise for anybody to try to sidetrack him in his ab- 
sence. Mr. Gorman said : 'Tt looks to me as if you would be nom- 
inated by acclamation. Have you seen Rasin?" Brown came 
back to Baltimore and saw Mr. Rasin, who told him that the sen- 
timent in the city was so strong for him that he could not keep 
him out of the nomination if he wanted to, and that he could go 
ahead without any apprehension. 

Brown went and Robert Grain, who was his closest personal 
friend, took charge of his headquarters and managed his fight 
in his absence. On the eve of the convention Brown wired: 
"Will leave for Paris today. Frank much better. Will sail with 
family for America middle of August." The convention met on 
July 31 and Brown was nominated by acclamation. This cable- 
gram was sent him by his secretary, David Cowan: ''Nomination; 
acclamation ; congratulation." The ticket, as named, was : 

For Governor — Frank Brown. 

For Comptroller — Marion de Kalb Smith. 

For Attorney-General — John Prentiss Poe. 

For Clerk of the Court of Appeals — J. Frank Ford. 

Rasin directed the proceedings of the convention from a .box. 
Ex-Gov. Henry Lloyd presided and Brown was placed in nom- 
ination by Dr. Frank T. Shaw, of Carroll county, seconding 
speeches being made by Robert Grain and Edwin Warfield. 
Gorman did not attend the convention, but came to Baltimore 
two days ahead and at the Rennert went over the situation and 
agreed to the program. Brown had it without a struggle and 
he followed this up by doing what no other Gubernatorial can- 



172 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

didate has ever been able to do and that was to practically select 
his Republican opponent. 

The situation in the Republican camp was about this : For 
the first time in a good many years, the State Republicans were 
without the aid, advice and counsel of John K. Cowen. As has 
been told, it was at this time that Cowen, for railroad reasons, 
withdrew his opposition to Gorman's return to the Senate and 
ceased fighting the Democratic State ticket. The Republicans, 
having no one to fuse with, tried in every way to get the best 
man in their own party to accept the Governorship. Lloyd 
Lowndes could have had it, but declined to run. Every efifort 
was then made to get Harry C. Clabaugh to accept the nomina- 
tion and he had agreed to do so, provided he was named by ac- 
clamation. Brown and Brown's friends got control of enough 
Republican votes in the Convention to make a nomination for 
Clabaugh or anyone else by acclamation impossible, and realizing 
this, Clabaugh did not become a candidate. Finally the Republi- 
cans put to the front Col. William J. Vannort, of Kent county. 
Vannort had no particular strength and Brown's friends promptly 
agreed to him. Here was the ticket nominated : 

For Governor — William J. Vannort. 

For Comptroller — John McDonald. 

For Attorney-General— George M. Sharp. 

For Clerk of the Court of Appeals — Enoch Abell. 

It was easy. 

Although Cowen and the Baltimore and Ohio had withdrawn 
opposition to Gorman and made no fight against Brown, the 
"gentlemen's agreement" does not seem to have included Mr. 
Rasin and a fusion ticket manned by Cowen men was put up in 
the city against General Latrobe, who had again been named 
by Rasin for Mayor. Solomon Davies Warfiekl was the inde- 
pendent candidate for Mayor, and with him on the ticket as an 
independent candidate for State's Attorney was William L. Mar- 
bury. Both were indorsed by the Republicans. The way in 
which they were nominated was like this : Mr. Warfield always 
believed that his father had been elected Mayor in 1875, and had 
been counted out. He was ambitious to be elected, not only on 
his own account, but as a sort of vindication of his father. He 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 173 

had at this time become the close friend of both Cowen and 
Wallis. He was prominent in the Mayoralty fight of two years 
before, and this time came to the front as an aspirant for May- 
oralty honors. There had come into existence two organizations 
that were opposed to Mr. Rasin, one of which was called the 
Citizens' Democratic Alliance, officered as follows : 

President — William Cabell Bruce. 

Vice-President — J. Southgate Lemmon. 

Second Vice-President — John J. Purcell. 

Secretary — Robert W. Smith. 

Executive Committee — Charles Marshall, James C. McColgan, 
Frederick Leist, Oliver Hoblitzell and William L. Marbury. 

Connected with the Tax Payers' Association, the anti-Rasin 
organization, were Levi J. Condon, Michael E. MuUin, Alfred 
S. Niles, Theodore Mottu, Henry D. Loney, John S. J. Healy, 
George W. Gail, John R. Kelso, William Ferguson, W. Burns 
Trundle, John G. Johnson and others. The aim of both organ- 
izations was to name a non-partisan ticket that would aid in the 
defeat of the Rasin ticket. 

Finally this ticket was named by the Citizens' Alliance : 

For Mayor — Solomon Davies Warfield. 

For State's Attorney — William L. Marbury. 

Clerk of Criminal Court — John S. Bullock. 

Register of Wills — Robert T. Banks. 

Mr. Bruce was the chairman of the convention. Later the 
Tax Payers' Union indorsed these nominations, as did the Re- 
publican City Convention, which, however, supplemented the 
ticket by the nomination of the following: 

Sheriff — Robert S. Mooney. 

Clerk of Circuit Court — Henry J. Broening. 

Clerk of Criminal Court — William M. Byrne. 

Register of Wills — E. J. Dowell. 

Judges of Orphans' Court — W. H. Daiger, R. P. Gorman and 
P. L. Keyser. 

Collector William F. Stone was a member of this convention, 
and, with Stephen R. Mason, Frank S. Strowbridge, Charles F. 
Riehl, Dr. William A. Montell, John H. Murphy. N. C. M. 



174 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Groome, Washington G. Tuck and Charles W. Adams, formed 
the campaign committee in charge of the fight. 

The Democratic City Convention was presided over by Gen. 
Andrew C. Trippe, and Martin Lehmayer acted as secretary. 
Here was the ticket named : 

Mayor — Ferdinand C. Latrobe. 

Clerk of Court of Common Pleas — John T. Gray. 

Clerk of Criminal Court — Hiram Dudley. 

Clerk of Circuit Court — Alvin Robertson. 

Register of Wills — Thomas W. Morse. 

Sheriff — Isaac S. Sanner. 

State's Attorney — Charles G. Kerr. 

Judges of Orphans' Court — George W. Lindsay, Daniel Gans 
and William F. Edwards. 

The fight was warm, but one-sided, even in the city, while in 
the State it was a perfect walkover. Gorman was a candidate 
for re-election to the Senate, and with Brown's popularity and 
his energetic campaign, the result was a foregone conclusion 
from the start. Thomas F. McNulty campaigned all over the 
State with Brown, singing the "Farmer Brown" songs and 
arousing enthsiasm. Brown as a campaigner in those days had 
few equals and the people went wild over him. He was elected 
by about 33,000 majority, being thousands more than any Gov- 
ernor except Bowie received, and more than Bowie when the 
negro vote is deducted. Latrobe carried the city by more than 
8,000, and both the City Council and the Legislature were over- 
whelmingly Democratic. 

The complete personnel of the Legislature of 1892 was: 

SENATE. 

Allegany — George A. Pearre. 
Anne Arundel — Robert Moss. 

Baltimore City — Charles H. Evans, James P. Gorter and 
Thomas G. Hayes. 

Baltimore County — John Hubner. 
Calvert — Joseph F. Talbott. 
Carroll — Pinkney J. Bennett. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS 175 

Caroline — John F. Dawson. 
Cecil— John S. Wirt. 
Charles — Adrian Posey. 
Dorchester — George E. Austin. 
Frederick — Jacob F. Newman. 
Garrett— W. R. Getty. 
Harford — Thomas H. Robinson. 
Howard — John G. Rogers. 
Kent — William T. Hepbron. 
Montgomery — Edward Wootten. 
Prince George's — Charles E. Coffin. 
St. Mary's — Washington Wilkinson. 
Talbot — Edward Lloyd. 
Queen Anne's — John B. Brown. 
Somerset — Levin L. Waters. 
Washington — David Seibert. 
Wicomico — E. Stanley Toadvin. 
Worcester — John Walter Smith. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany — James A. Buckey, Daniel Young, Allen Barber, J. 
J. Stotlemeyer, George Hoskins. 

Anne Arundel — James R. Brashears, William T. Hutchins, 
Charles Sappington, Caleb E. Donaldson. 

Baltimore City — First district, W. H. Thompson, Edward D, 
Fitzgerald, Harry A. Fuld, Michael E. Brennan, Theodore E. 
Fox, George Walz; Second, William F. O'Conor, Charles W. 
Field, Howard Gill, Charles H. Carter, Reginald Bowie, John 
M. Gallagher; Third, Martin C. Frincke, Martin R. Joyce, 
Henry Sanders, Robert H. Corthwaite, Conway W. Sams, Wil- 
ham Sanders Carr. 

Baltimore County — Joseph C. Monmonier, James Hamilton, 
Jr., J. Smith Orrick, Craven M. Cole, William Elliott, Charles 
Schlaffer. 

Calvert — James G. Ireland, Emory F. Lane. 

Caroline — Purnell Johnson, W. H. Dean. 



176 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Carroll — James G. Berret, Robert Sellman, Evan Haines, 
Edward W. Leeds. 

Cecil — William T. Beeks, C. Frank Kirk, Joseph T, Grove. 

Charles — Francis J. Maddox, Lewis C. Carrico. 

Dorchester — Dr. Benjamin L. Smith, Alonzo L. Miles, Jos- 
eph B. Meredith. 

Frederick — James Roger McSherry, Joseph W. Gaver, Manas- 
sas Grover, R. Frank Sappington, James S. Biggs. 

Garrett — George L. Michael, Thomas L. Bittinger. 

Harford — Murray Vandiver, Samuel S. Bevard, Dr. Thomas 
E. Hayward, John O. Stearns. 

Howard — John S. Tracey, Louis P. Haslup. 

Kent — J. Fletcher Wilson, T. Romie Strong. 

Montgomery — Philip D. Laird, Howard Griffith, W. M. Canby 

Prince George's — William L Hill, William D. Bowie, Wil- 
liam Fletcher Perrie. 

Queen Anne's — John F. Godwin, Olin Bryan, Samuel A. 
Wallen. 

Somerset — Benjamin K. Green, James D. Anderson, Noah 
C. Sterling, 

St. Mary's — Robert C. Coombs, George R. Garner. 

Talbot — William Collins, C. R. Leonard, James M. Wooters. 

Washington — Robert J. Shaferm, Edward Garrett, Charles H. 
Smith, John P. Fockler. 

Wicomico — James E. Ellegood, William S. Moore, William 
L. Laws. 

Worcester — Lloyd Wilkinson, Jerome T. Hayman, Dr. 
Thomas Y. Franklin. 

It was just after the election of Brown and Latrobe in 1891 
that United States Senator E. K. Wilson, who had been re- 
elected for a term of six years, in 1890, died. This left a va- 
cancy which Governor Jackson was called upon to fill. Mr. 
Jackson was himself practically an avowed candidate for the 
Senate and had been almost from the time he was elected Gov- 
ernor. In 1890 he started to make a fight against Wilson and a 
combination had been entered into between Jackson, Baughman 
and Frank T. Shaw, by which each was to take a step up — Jack- 
son to the Senatorship, Baughman was to step from Comptroller 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 177 

to Governor and Shaw from Tax Commissioner to Comptroller. 
Mr. Gorman wanted Senator Wilson re-elected and at his re- 
quest or suggestion Frank Brown went down to Annapolis to 
break up the combination. Brown went down with the support 
of the organization for the Governorship. The leaders had 
no intention of making him Governor then, but they knew his 
strength, and that, with him in the field as a candidate, the com- 
(bination would not last. Brown was not fooled at all, and told 
both Mr. Gorman and Mr. Rasin so. "Going down there now," 
he said, "won't make me Governor, but it will mean that if you 
people let the Legislature know I am good enough for the place 
now, when I go after it next year, you will have to get behind 
me." 

He went down, and in a little while Baughman saw that even 
if Jackson landed the Senatorship he would not land the Gov- 
ernorship, and the combination broke. Wilson was re-elected 
and Jackson postponed his fight. When Wilson died Jackson's 
problem was to appoint to the Senate a man who would be con- 
tent to serve for a few months only, until the Legislature met, 
and would not be a candidate against him. At one time he came 
very nearly appointing Robert F. Brattan, who had been de- 
feated for the Comptrollership nomination and was his friend. 
It is also said that he came so close to appointing Gen. Joseph 
B. Seth, who was probably closer to him than any one, that Seth 
practically had the commission. Various names were urged upon 
him, but the Governor could not make up his mind. 

This is how it was settled. One day after things had been 
drifting for some time, Mr. Gorman sent for Harry Welles 
Rusk to come to his home in Washington. Charles H. Gibson, 
of Talbot county, after having served several terms in Congress, 
had been defeated for the nomination in 1890 and was making a 
fight for clerk of the House of Representatives with headquarters 
at a downtown Washington hotel and a retinue of hangers-on. 
Gorman was personally fond of Gibson. When Rusk arrived 
at his house, he said : "Rusk, Gibson is over here, head over 
heels in debt. He has not a dollar in the world and I don't see 
any way of putting him on his feet except to give him this ap- 
pointment. Governor Jackson is coming over here tomorrow 



178 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

morning at ii o'clock. Drop around here about that time and 
we will see what can be done." 

The next morning a little after ii o'clock Mr. Rusk went to 
the Gorman home and was taken upstairs to the library. There 
he found Governor Jackson and Senator Gorman alone. "Come 
in," said Mr. Gorman. "We were just talking over this Sena- 
torship matter. Sit down. What do you hear about it?" 

"Well, Senator," said Mr. Rusk, "of course we are all for 
Governor Jackson, but from the general feeling at Annapolis, 
it looks to me as if the best solution of the whole business would 
be to have the Governor appoint 'Charlie' Gibson. He needs the 
salary and he would, of course, not be a candidate against Gov- 
ernor Jackson when the Legislature meets." 

"Well," said Mr. Gorman, "there seems to be something in 
that. Does Gibson know anything about this ?" 

"Not a word," said Rusk. "He does not know he has any 
chance and has not been after the place." 

"Well, Governor," said Mr. Gorman, "It looks to me as if that 
was about the best thing you could do. What do you think 
about it?" 

Rusk says that Mr. Jackson thought for a while and then 
looked up and said: "I'll appoint him." 

Mr. Gorman said : "Rusk, do you know where Gibson is ?" 

"Yes, sir; I think I can find him." 

"Well, go get him to come up here and see Governor Jackson 
and this whole matter can be settled." Rusk took a cab to Gib- 
son's Hotel and told him he was going to be appointed Senator. 
Gibson, he said, nearly dropped dead with surprise. He closed 
up his headquarters, told his followers he was out of the clerk- 
ship fight, bought one last round of drinks, and went back to see 
Governor Jackson. A day or so afterward his appointment was 
announced. 

When the Legislature met, Col. Edward Lloyd was elected 
President of the Senate and Murray Vandiver became Speaker 
of the House. Immediately the Senatorial fight started. John 
Walter Smith was an avowed candidate and made a game fight 
that soon caused him to be recognized as a factor in the game. 
Jackson was then ex-Governor and Brown had become Gov- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 179 

ernor. James Alfred Pearce, of Kent county, was another strong 
candidate, Francis E. Waters, Sydney Wilson, W. Lee Carey and 
other of Smith's friends fought hard for him and for some days 
the balloting showed him as one of the leading candidates. Be- 
fore the fight began, Gorman was re-elected without a dissenting 
Democratic vote. Rasin was supposed to be for Governor 
Jackson in the fight, but the belief is that at heart he was for 
James Alfred Pearce. The first ballot taken was as follows: 

John S. Wirt, 15; John Walter Smith, 16; Elihu E. Jackson, 
17; James Alfred Pearce, 11; John B. Brown, 11; Robert M. 
McLane, 16 ; Charles H. Gibson, 7 ; William J. Vannort, 7 ; 
George M. Russum, 2 ; Levin L. Waters, i ; Thomas G. Hayes, 
I ; Barnes Compton, i ; James Hodges, i ; William A. Fisher, i ; 
Bernard Carter, i. 

For several more days the balloting stood about this way, with 
the members of the Legislature who did not vote for Smith, 
Jackson, Pearce and Wirt voting for almost any one they could 
think of as a compliment, simply waiting for the word to come. 
The rival candidates had headquarters in Annapolis and the bat- 
tle was a fierce one. After some days of this futile and inef- 
fectual voting Gorman again sent for Rusk and said: "It is 
about time to settle this business. It will be a mistake to name 
any of these fellows but Gibson now. Go back and tell Freeman 
that I think we had better settle the whole business and elect 
Gibson tomorrow." 

Gorman used Rusk as his messenger to Rasin, but Colonel 
Baughman was the man who brought the word to the other 
leaders. Up to 6 o'clock of that day there had been no change 
in the situation. When Baughman arrived at night and gave 
Gorman's message the whole business collapsed. Every man in 
the fight recognized the fight was over and that there was no 
chance. They bowed to the inevitable and made no further 
effort. 

Rusk brought the message to Rasin and says that that gentle- 
man was highly indignant. "That is the way with Gorman," he 
said. "He is always putting these unpleasant things on me. 
Here is my relative, James Alfred Pearce, in this fight and I 
have got to bear the brunt of the whole business." 



180 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

It was Mr. Rasin who broke the news to Governor Jackson 
0nd gave him a chance to withdraw and save his face. In the 
morning Mr. Rasin sent for Senator Robert Moss, of Anne 
Arundel, and a number of the others and in the old Speaker's 
room, said: "Well, Gorman and myself have both tried to stop 
this thing, but the sentiment for Gibson is too strong and we 
have got to take our hands off and let him get this place." 

Some of them laughed in his face, but they went out and voted 
for Gibson just the same. Colonel Edward Lloyd, who was 
from Gibson's county and who hated him cordially, said as he 
walked across from the Senate to the House to vote: "This is 
the bitterest pill I have ever had to swallow. Thomas G. Hayes 
was the one Senator who refused to leave Jackson after the 
word had gone forth. "I promised Jackson I would vote for 
him and I am going to do it," and when his name was called he 
fairly shouted out "the Hon. Elihu E. Jackson." The final ballot 
was as follows : 

Charles H. Gibson, 86 ; John B. Brown, 3 ; James Alfred 
Pearce, 5 ; John Walter Smith, 4 ; Elihu E. Jackson, 5 ; William 
J. Vannort, 8; James A. Gary, i ; L. AlHson Wilmer, i. 

The votes cast for Jackson were those from his own county 
and that of Mr. Hayes. Those cast for Smith were those from 
his own county and one from Queen Anne's. 



CHAPTER XVIII 



The Brown Administration and Its Features. Legislature 

of 1894. 



After the Legislature of 1892 things moved with a swing in 
the Brown administration and events followed each other rapidly. 
Brown gave himself up wholly to the business of being Governor, 
and he displayed a business sense and acumen in the administra- 
tion of State affairs that greatly added to his strength. Some of 
the things he did, and the situation with which he dealt in char- 
acteristic Brown fashion, are worth recalling. 

In the first six months of his administration he appointed no 
less than seven judges — Ritchie, Wickes, Roberts, Revell, Lloyd, 
Boyd and Page — and it was mainly the excellence of these selec- 
tions that laid the foundation of the present judiciary of the 
State. Aside from its legislative and political end, the most strik- 
ing incidents of the Brown administration were the arrest by the 
Governor of Coxey's Army, and the breaking of the coal mine 
strike at Frostburg. 

The Coxey's Army matter was a smoothly managed piece of 
business. The "army," or the bulk of it, had camped on Mary- 
land soil near Hyattsville, and after some days had become a 
great nuisance. The people were demanding action, but no one 
knew exactly what to do. No crime had been committed, the 
"army" was not violating the law, and there seemed nothing to 
do but let them alone. Brown formed a plan, however, which he 
kept to himself. He sent detectives to Hyattsville, and after 
some days secured evidence that members of the "army" were 
begging. He immediately got out a blanket warrant and, enlist- 
ing a score or more of detectives, arrested the whole "army" upon 
the charge of vagrancy, clapping them all in the House of Cor- 
rection. As nearly all of those arrested had more or less money 

181 



182 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

in their clothes, they raised a tremendous howl, but it availed 
them nothing. Brown, after conferring with Jesse Moore, the 
superintendent of the House of Gjrrection, had the army placed 
at work building a road, which is known today as Coxey avenue. 
General Coxey, who was in Washington at the time of the arrest, 
instituted legal proceedings for the release of his "army," and 
Brown saw that he could not hold them. He ascertained from 
each man his home, and at night shipped the whole lot out and 
away from Maryland at the State's expense. There were two 
who refused to go, and were determined to stay and make Brown 
pay the penalty of arresting them. Brown reasoned with them, 
and finally induced them to remove the prison garb and put on 
their own clothing. Then he had returned to them their money 
and other valuables, after which they were conducted outside of 
the door of the institution, and told to go to the devil. They 
howled to get in again, but eventually went away, and the inci- 
dent was closed. 

At the time of the coal strike Governor Brown, with but five 
hours' notice, loaded the Fourth and Fifth Regiments on trains 
and shipped them to Frostburg. Brown himself visited the coal 
fields, held personal conferences with the strikers and aided ma- 
terially in quieting the trouble and ending the strike. 

Brown, more than any other Governor, interested himself in 
and visited the various State institutions. It was he who reor- 
ganized the Maryland Agricultural College, placing it on a basis 
from which it has developed into one of the strongest colleges in 
the country. He reorganized and rehabilitated the tobacco ware- 
house system, placing it on a self-sustaining basis, and it was 
through his efforts that the Springfield Hospital for the Insane 
has attained to its present position. 

He had hardly gotten settled down to the routine of his office, 
however, after the adjournment of his first Legislature before the 
State was plunged into the heat of the third Cleveland campaign. 
This was the year in which Gorman came closer to landing the 
Presidential nomination than he ever did. Fresh from his fight 
against the Force bill, which had endeared him to the heart of 
the South and smothered much of the opposition in his own 
State, he loomed up as one of the biggest figures in the country. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 183 

and was the man around whom the anti-Cleveland forces cen- 
tered. David B. Hill, of New York, was violently opposed to 
the nomination of Cleveland, and the entire Tammany delegation 
was against him and with Hill. Gorman and Hill understood 
each other and worked in harmony, their desire being to prevent 
the nomination of Cleveland and name either Gorman or a West- 
ern man. Alabama and one or two of the Southern States led 
off by instructing their delegates for Gorman. 

Gorman's position was that he was not a candidate, and no one 
was ever authorized to speak for him as a candidate. At the 
same time he believed Cleveland's nomination, under the circum- 
stances, would be inadvisable. In Maryland the sentiment of the 
people was overwhelmingly for Cleveland, and Mr. Rasin was 
unswervingly for him. It was in this campaign that Mr. Rasin 
made the first and the only speech of his life. It was made at 
the old Calumet Club, of which he was the leading spirit. Prior 
to the meeting of the State convention this club indorsed Cleve- 
land and passed resolutions urging his nomination. It was on 
these resolutions that Rasin spoke. He read his speech, which 
was, it is said, a very good one, though short. In spite of the 
Cleveland sentiment the leaders determined upon an uninstructed 
delegation to Chicago, and on June 8 these delegates were chosen : 

At Large — A. P. Gorman, Frank Brown, Charles J. M. Gwinn, 
Barnes Compton, L. Victor Baughman, I. Freeman Rasin, John 
S. Wirt and George M. Upshur. 

First District — Richard D. Hynson and Levin L. Waters. 

Second — Murray Vandiver and Frank T. Shaw. 

Third — Frank A. Furst and James Bond. 

Fourth — John Gill and Lloyd L. Jackson. 

Fifth— Thomas H. Hunt and F. M. Cox. 

Sixth — Buchanan Schley and Asa Willison. 

The Presidential Electors nominated were : 

At Large — Pere L. Wickes and John Walter Smith. 

First District— W. D. Massey. 

Second — Frederick W. Baker. 

Third — John Hannibal. 

Fourth — C. Ridgely Goodwin. 

Fifth — James Revell. 



184 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Sixth — William Viers Bouic. 

In the State convention Dorchester, Queen Anne's, Wicomico, 
Frederick and Washington counties had sent Cleveland delega- 
tions, and they wanted instructions. Dr. Lloyd T. McGill, of 
Frederick, offered the Cleveland resolutions and a fervent speech 
v^as made on them by Col. Buchanan Schley, but they were turned 
down by Gorman, Rasin acquiescing. Because of the general 
desire to go to the convention, the number of delegates at large 
had been doubled and each given half a vote. Ex-Gov. E. E. 
Jackson was one of those who was anxious to go, but refused to 
divide his vote and went back to Wicomico pretty sore and dis- 
gruntled, blaming John Walter Smith for what he thought was a 
slight put upon him. John Walter Smith was unable to go as a 
delegate, for business reasons, and named Mr. Upshur in his 
place. The Maryland delegation to this convention was larger 
than any the State has ever sent out. The Calumet Club alone 
sent out 500 men in uniforms, with Mr. Rasin as chief marshal 
and the following assistants: John J. Mahon, Harry Welles 
Rusk, Thomas W. Marshall, John Q. A. Robson, E. J. Chaisty, 
Timothy Maloney, John Quinn, George O. Cole, John W. Torsch, 
John B. Keplinger, George W. Trumbo, Herman W. Day, Myer 
J. Block, John H. Wills, Peter J. Campbell, Thomas F. McNulty, 
J. H. Wright, Edward Fitzgerald, Thomas H. Hamilton, Eldridge 
Packham, Richard H. Johns, Edward O'Mahoney, John F. Rasin, 
George J. Grundell and Patrick J. Campbell. The Iroquois Club 
also sent a big delegation, and there were besides many individual 
Marylanders who made the trip, such as Col. Spencer C. Jones, 
who was then State Treasurer ; Marion De Kalb Smith, John C. 
Legg, Charles Goldsborough, William C. Worthington and others. 
Gorman with a few personal friends went out a week ahead 
in a private car, and upon his arrival in Chicago was made the 
center of the anti-Cleveland forces. The game planned by the 
Hill-Gorman combination was to prevent Cleveland from getting 
the necessary two-thirds majority on the first ballot, and for a 
while it looked as if they would be successful. Failure on the 
first ballot for Cleveland, it was conceded, would put him out 
of the running, and the Hill-Gorman forces would name the man. 
At the time it looked as if Gorman, with his strength and stand- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 185 

ing in the South, his friends in New York and in the West, was 
the one man upon whom the anti-Cleveland element could unite. 

Rasin went out with the Calumet Club the Saturday before the 
convention. The delegation reached Chicago late at night, and 
with Rasin at the head marched up the street to the Maryland 
headquarters. Eugene Higgins, who had come out ahead of the 
rest, met Rasin at the station and marched up with him. All the 
way along he poured into Rasin's ear the progress being made in 
the Gorman movement, telling of votes picked up here and votes 
picked up there. Rasin merely grunted and made no answer. 
Immediately upon reaching the Palmer House he got into commu- 
nication with William C. Whitney, who managed the Cleveland 
fight, and declared himself. From that time on he was taken into 
the Cleveland conferences, and the Gorman-Hill combination rap- 
idly waned until the nomination of Mr. Cleveland was conceded 
even by the opposition. Mr. Gorman was the first to make this 
concession, and Mr. Whitney followed with a statement in which 
he said he and Mr. Gorman fully understood each other, and that 
the latter had acted throughout unselfishly and for what he con- 
sidered the best interests of the party. Mr. Whitney further 
stated that Mr. Gorman had told him some months before the 
convention that he believed Cleveland could not carry New York, 
and for that reason thought it unwise to nominate him. Those 
who were in the Maryland delegation at the convention generally 
gave Mr. Rasin credit for breaking the force of the Gorman-Hill 
movement. It would probably have failed had his attitude been 
otherwise, but it certainly did not help it any when the stand he 
took made it certain that at least part of the Maryland delegation 
would vote for Cleveland on the first ballot, whether Gorman was 
a candidate or not. 

The Maryland delegation eventually cast its vote — six for 
Cleveland and nine and one-half for Gorman. Gorman did not 
vote at all, and received on the first ballot, by which Cleveland 
was nominated, 36 votes. The Marylanders voted as fol- 
lows: For Cleveland — Rasin, Brown, Baughman, Wirt (with 
half a vote each). Bond, Schley, Gill and Jackson (with one vote 
each). 

For Gorman — Compton, Upshur, Gwinn (half a vote each), 



186 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Waters, Hynson, Shaw, Vandiver, Furst, Hunt, Cox and Willison 
(one vote each). 

When the vote was cast John K. Cowen who was the wildest 
Cleveland man in the convention, shouted from his seat on the 
stage : "Treason, treason ; there is treachery in the Maryland dele- 
gation !" His voice did not reach the delegation, but it was 
heard by hundreds near him and created a sensation. When the 
Cleveland demonstration began Cowen seized a broom and wildly 
swung it about his head as he shouted. He returned to Mary- 
land and ardently supported Cleveland in the campaign that fol- 
lowed, and in which Maryland went overwhelmingly for the can- 
didate, electing at the same time a solid Democratic delegation 
to Congress, as follows: 

First District — Short term, John B, Brown ; long term, Robert 
F. Brattan. 

Second — J. F. C. Talbott. 

Third — Harry Welles Rusk. 

Fourth — Isidor Rayner. 

Fifth — Barnes Compton. 

Sixth— William M. McKaig. 

It was this year that Talbott succeeded in returning to Congress 
after an absence of eight years. McKaig two years before had 
defeated Louis E. McComas in the Sixth district, and was re- 
elected by an increased majority. He has the distinction of being 
the last Democrat this district has sent to Congress. It was in 
this campaign that Isaac Lobe Straus, the present Attorney-Gen- 
eral of Maryland, made his entrance into politics. He took the 
stump for Cleveland and spoke in nearly every county in the 
State, in the one campaign succeeding in making himself known 
to the party people throughout Maryland, and rendering effective 
party service. Following Cleveland's election and inauguration, 
interest, of course, centered in the Federal appointments, and 
there was a memorable struggle over them. Cleveland, although 
still friendly with Gorman, was not disposed this time to give the 
machine the recognition he gave during his first term as Presi- 
dent. He desired to recognize the independent element here. 
He had become a friend of Cowen, and he was impressed with 
some of the things Cowen and other independents had said to 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 187 

him. He appreciated what Rasin had done at Chicago for him, 
and he made no appointments in the city without consulting Mr. 
Rasin's wishes. Here were the plums as finally distributed : 

Collector of the Port — Frank T. Shaw. 

Naval Officer — Barnes Compton. 

District Attorney — William L. Marbury. 

Postmaster — S. Davies Warfield. 

Surveyor — Buchanan Schley. 

Internal Revenue Collector — Murray Vandiver. 

United States Marshal — Charles H. Evans. 

Warfield and Marbury were really Cowen appointments, made 
upon his recommendation. Mr. Rasin did not oppose the appoint- 
ment of Warfield for the postmastership. In fact, it is said he 
was somewhat inclined to look with favor upon it, notwithstand- 
ing Mr. Warfield's hostility to him in the past. 

Gorman and Warfield, after the appointment, had a meeting, 
and eventually Warfield's appointment was confirmed in the Sen- 
ate. Mr. Marbury's appointment was never confirmed, Senator 
Gorman refusing always to withdraw his objections to him, but 
he served his entire term notwithstanding. Mr. Rasin himself 
let it be known that he would not be a candidate for any Federal 
office, preferring to hold on to the Insurance Commissionership, 
which he had landed soon after Brown became Governor, suc- 
ceeding J. F. C. Talbott, who had held the place under the Jack- 
son administration. Mr. Rasin could have been the Consul-Gen- 
eral to Berlin, but he preferred to stay at home. His declination 
of this place deprived the German nation of a great opportunity 
for political education. 

In the 1893 campaign Mr. Rasin played the game in a charac- 
teristic fashion. The independent element in the city had been 
fighting him Avith increasing bitterness for years. The "gentle- 
men's agreement" that had resulted in the withdrawal by Cowen 
of his opposition to Gorman and the State machine did not in- 
clude him. He was getting tired of the continual battering and 
determined to end it. Accordingly he went directly into the ranks 
of the reformers, and taking therefrom some of the most promi- 
nent and violent, placed them on his ticket as candidates. He 
took William Cabell Bruce and nominated him for the State Sen- 



188 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

ate. He took Archibald H. Taylor, Thomas S. Baer and John 
Hemsley Johnson, and placed them before the people as organiza- 
tion candidates for the House of Delegates. Then he added more 
respectability to the ticket by nominating the very highest grade 
of organization men like Charles H. Carter, Charles W. Field 
and James H. Preston, so that when the entire ticket was put in 
the field it was more attractive and stronger than any the people 
had had a chance to vote upon for years. Thomas G. Hayes and 
Charles H. Evans were hold-over members of the Senate from 
Baltimore city, and with Bruce as the new Senator the charge of 
Rasinism in the campaign fell flat. 

Mr. Rasin, however, did not carry his inclination to placate the 
reformers to the extent of turning the whole business over to 
them, and he placed a modicum of "Muldoons" on the city ticket, 
Latrobe being renominated for Mayor, Timothy Maloney for 
Sheriff, Harry A. Shultz for Clerk of the City Court and Augus- 
tus Bouldin for Surveyor. He distracted attention from this, 
however, by naming Albert Ritchie and Pere L. Wickes as candi- 
dates for judges of the Supreme Bench. Altogether, the city 
ticket, both State and municipal, was about the strongest the 
people of Baltimore have ever had presented to them, and it fairly 
took the wind out of the sails of the anti-Rasin element in the city, 

Rasin's plan succeeded admirably for that one campaign. 
Bruce and his candidacy swung the independents largely into line, 
and at the first big mass-meeting William Pinkney Whyte pre- 
sided and speeches were made by Gorman, Bruce, Bernard Car- 
ter and John P. Poe, while on the stage as vice-presidents sat 
William L. Marbury, Richard M. Venable, Thomas S. Baer, 
Archibald H. Taylor, George K. McGaw, T. Wallis Blakistone, 
Jesse N. Bowen, Randolph Barton, Edwin Warfield, Robinson 
W. Cator, H. Crawford Black, John Gill, R. C. Davidson, John E. 
Hurst, George May, Martin Lehmayer, Harry A. Parr, E. C. 
Slingluff, John M. Dulany, Thomas J. Boykin, Conway W. Sams 
and T. Edward Hambleton. Men who had fiercely assailed each 
other two years before joined together in support of the ticket, 
spoke from the same platform and for the time being sunk their 
differences, Marion De Kalb Smith had been renominated as 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 189 

State Comptroller and the State platform strongly indorsed Cleve- 
land and his course. 

The Republicans had something of a fight in their State con- 
vention between the "Lily Whites" and the faction that wanted 
no color line drawn in the party, resulting in a victory for the 
latter, and the nomination for Comptroller of Joshua W. Horner. 
The faction headed by William F. Stone in the First Legislative 
district had a primary contest against W. W. Johnson and his 
friends, but were successful in obtaining the seats in the conven- 
tion. Harry T. Clabaugh, as chairman of the State committee, 
called the convention to order, and Charles T. Westcott, of Kent 
county, presided. The city Republicans had put up William T. 
Malster as their candidate for Mayor and there was also in the 
field a Citizens' candidate — Frederick W. Schultz. This party, 
however, had no real strength back of it, as Mr. Rasin had gotten 
most of the reform element that usually fused in line. Latrobe 
carried the city by more than 7,000 plurality and the Legislature, 
as well as the City Council, was overwhelmingly Democratic. 

The personnel of the Legislature of 1894 was as follows: 

SENATE. 

Allegany — James M. Sloane, Republican. 
Anne Arundel — Robert Moss, Democrat. 

Baltimore City — William Cabell Bruce, Democrat; Charles H. 
Evans, Democrat; Thomas G. Hayes, Democrat. 
Baltimore County — John Hubner, Democrat. 
Calvert — *Thomas Parran, Republican. 
Caroline — Thomas A. Smith, Democrat. 
Carroll — Pinkney J. Bennett, Democrat. 
Cecil — Charles C. Crothers, Democrat. 
Charles — Louis C. Carrico, Democrat. 
Dorchester — Joseph H. Johnson, Democrat. 
Frederick — Jacob M. Newman, Democrat. 
Garrett — Robert A. Ravenscroft, Republican. 
Harford — William B. Baker, Republican. 
Howard — John G. Rogers, Democrat. 
Kent — William T. Hepbron, Democrat. 



190 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Montgomery — Hattersly W. Talbott, Democrat. 
Prince George's — William D. Bowie, Democrat. 
Queen Anne's — ^Woodland P. Finley, Democrat. 
Somerset — Levin L. Waters, Democrat. 
St. Mary's — Washington Wilkinson, Republican. 
Talbot — Oswald Tilghman, Democrat. 
Washington — David Seibert, Democrat. 
Wicomico — E. Stanley Toadvin, Democrat. 
Worcester — John Walter Smith, Democrat. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany County — Joseph B. Stottlemyer, Little Orleans, Re- 
publican; William Sleeman, Vale Summit, Republican; John H. 
Shuck, Cumberland, Republican; Hugh McMillan, Frostburg, 
Republican; John H. Jones, Westernport, Republican. 

Anne Arundel — James R. Brashears, Annapolis, Democrat; 
Charles F. Sappington, Wellham's Cross Roads, Democrat; Geo. 
W. Hyde, Galloway, Democrat; George M. Murray, Odenton, 
Democrat. 

Baltimore City — (First Legislative District) — George E. Keen- 
nan, 2229 East Baltimore street. Democrat; Edward D. Fitz- 
gerald, 422 South Ann street. Democrat; Joseph W. Hazell, 28 
South Broadway, Democrat; George A. Vernetson, 11 33 East 
Baltimore street, Democrat; William H. B. Fusselbaugh of J., 
422 North Gay street. Democrat ; Samuel E. Atkinson, 18 North 
Chester street, Democrat. 

Second Legislative District — Thomas S. Baer, "The Arun- 
del," Democrat; Charles H. Carter, 1212 Eutaw Place, Democrat; 
Archibald H. Taylor, 1424 Park avenue. Democrat; Charles W. 
Field, 615 Park avenue, Democrat; John Hemsley Johnson, 918 
North Calvert street, Democrat; James H. Preston, St. James' 
Hotel, Democrat. 

Third Legislative District — Daniel W. Stubbs, 811 Hanover 
street, Democrat; Henry Hassenkamp, 623 West Lee street. 
Democrat ; Joseph P. McGonigle, 204 East Randall street. Demo- 
crat; Philip Singleton, 1203 Ridgely street, Democrat; William 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 191 

D. Robinson, 839 North Fremont avenue, Democrat ; John F. 
Williams, Highland Park, Democrat. 

Garrett — A. Frederick George, Swanton, Republican ; J. Geo. 
Kolb, Friendsville, Republican. 

Harford — Samuel S. Bevard, Emmorton, Democrat ; Harold 
Scarboro, Bel Air, Democrat: Thomas B. Hayward, Clermont 
Mills, Democrat; John O. Stearns, Whiteford, Democrat. 

Howard — Louis P. Haslup, Annapolis Junction, Democrat; 
Humphrey D. Wolfe, Glenwood, Democrat. 

Kent — Enoch George Clark, Millington, Democrat; Thomas 
Romaine Strong, Crosby, Democrat. 

Montgomery — Elisha C. Etchison, Gaithersburg, Democrat; 
William H. Lamar, Rockville, Democrat; Robert M. Mackall, 
Olney, Democrat. 

Prince George's — Joseph S. Wilson, Upper Marlboro, Demo- 
crat ; George M. Smith, Bowie, Democrat ; Dent Downing, West- 
wood, Democrat. 

Queen Anne's — William Henry Legg, Centerville, Democrat; 
John O. Phillips, Kent Island, Democrat; Charles W. Clements, 
Crumpton, Democrat. 

Baltimore County — James B. Councilman, Mount Wilson, 
Democrat; John C. Bosley, Spear's Wharf, City, Democrat; 
Frederick S. Myerly, Black Rock, Democrat ; Osborne L Yellott, 
Towson, Democrat; George S. Kieffer, Mount Winans, Demo- 
crat; Thomas G. Carter, Gardenville, Democrat. 

Calvert — Wallace Owings, Chaneyville, Republican; William 
H. Dowell, Prince Frederick, Republican. 

Caroline — Henry R. Lewis, Denton, Democrat ; Albert W. Sisk, 
Preston, Democrat, 

Carroll — Benjamin F. Selby, Watersville, Democrat; Noah 
Sullivan, Melrose, Democrat; Johnzie E. Beasman, Sykesville, 
Democrat ; John Wesley Biggs, Bixler, Democrat. 

Cecil — George S. Woolley, Chesapeake City, Democrat; Frank 
H. Mackie, Fair Hill, Democrat; Richard L. Thomas, Northeast, 
Democrat. 

Charles — John E. Stone, Faulkner, Democrat ; James A. Frank- 
lin, Pisgah, Democrat. 

Dorchester — Francis P. Phelph, Mount Holly, Democrat ; Wil- 



192 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

liam F. Applegarth, Golden Hill, Democrat; Levi D. Travers, 
Taylor's Island, Democrat. 

Frederick— Melvin P. Wood, New Market, Republican; John 
R. Rouzer, Mechanicstown, Republican ; James P. Perry, Freder- 
ick, Republican; Andrew A. Annen, Emmittsburg, Republican; 
George W. Crum, Jr., Jefferson, Republican. 

Somerset — Oliver P. Byrd, Crisfield, Republican; William A. 
Tull, Marion, Republican; Philetus H. Cannon, Monie, Repub- 
lican. 

St. Mary's — William F. Chesley, IMechanicsville, Republican; 
John S. Jones, Jarboesville, Republican. 

Talbot — Ormond Hammond, Royal Oak, Democrat; William 
Collins, Trappe, Democrat; Francis G. Wrightson, Sherwood, 
Democrat. 

Washington — Norman B. Scott, Jr., Hagerstown, Republican; 
John H. Harp, Chewsville, Republican ; Tilghman J. Fahrney, 
Downsville, Republican ; Jeremiah B. Cromer, Hagerstown, Re- 
publican. 

Wicomico — Thomas S. Roberts, Tyaskin, Democrat; Albert 
W. Robinson, Sharptown, Democrat; Ebenezer G. Davis, Pitts- 
ville, Democrat. 

Worcester — Lloyd Wilkinson, Pocomoke City, Democrat; Je- 
rome T. Hayman, West, Democrat; Peter Whaley, Whaleyville, 
Democrat. 

Democrats, 68; Republicans, 23. 

John Walter Smith was chosen President of the Senate and 
James H. Preston was made Speaker of the House of Delegates. 
Spencer C. Jones was re-elected State Treasurer, and the big fight 
of the session was over the Reassessment bill, which finally failed. 
In the session of 1892 the assessment bill offered by Senator 
Hayes was beaten, but the clamor for reassessment continued, 
and in 1893 Brown called together a convention of the best-posted 
men on taxation in the State and city. He had them meet in 
Bahimore, and for two weeks they were in session and discussed 
the question at his request, his idea being that as Governor he 
wanted as much light on the subject as possible, so as to know 
how to deal with it at the next session. Hayes reintroduced his 
bill in 1894, and there was a long-drawn-out fight on it. Con- 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 193 

ferences were held between Governor Brown, Mr. Hayes and 
others on the subject, and finally a bill was gotten into shape 
upon which all had agreed. Governor Brown says that the un- 
derstanding was that no amendments of any sort were to be per- 
mitted and that the bill as agreed upon should go through with- 
out a single change. After the bill had passed the House and 
gone to the Senate, Governor Brown was giving a dinner at the 
Executive Mansion one night when Joel Haddaway Rowlensen 
came across from the State House and told him that Hayes had 
amended the bill in several particulars. Governor Brown says 
that he then and there announced his intention of opposing it, 
and the agreement was off so far as he was concerned. 

The county people were mostly strongly in favor of the bill, 
while the opposition was chiefly in the city, the county sentiment 
being for a reassessment. The big business interests in the city 
wanted no reassessment, and it is understood that Mr. Rasin was 
not for the bill, although Mr. Gorman favored it and had sup- 
posed his city friend was working with him. Had Rasin been for 
it, the bill would have passed, notwithstanding the attitude of the 
Governor. After the bill failed Mr. Rasin sent Harry Welles 
Rusk to Washington with a message to Gorman. "Mr. Rasin 
says, Senator," Rusk told him, "that he could not hold the coun- 
trymen, and he had to take his hands off and let them vote 
against the bill." 

Mr. Gorman looked at Rusk for a moment and then said :, "He 
could not hold the countrymen, couldn't he? That was too bad." 

In the Congressional campaign of 1894 that followed this ses- 
sion, Isidor Rayner, who had represented the Fourth district in 
Congress for several terms, was sidetracked for John K. Cowen. 
The story of how Mr. S. Davies Warfield got Mr. Cleveland to 
send for Rasin to come to Buzzards Bay and induced him to 
nominate Cowen for Congress has already been told. Cowen 
was elected by a small majority, but the day after he took his 
seat the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad went into the hands of a 
receiver. He was named receiver and did not again appear in 
Congress. It was just before this, however, that he again broke 
with Gorman, because of the defeat of the Rate Pooling bill in 
Congress. Those elected to Congress in that year were: 



194 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

First District — Joshua W. Miles, long term; W. Laird Henry, 
short term. 

Second District — William B. Baker. 

Third District — Harry Welles Rusk. 

Fourth District — John K. Cowen. 

Fifth District — Charles E. Coffin. 

Sixth District — George L. Wellington. 

There was a big slump in the Democratic vote this year, and 
for the first time since the Civil War the Republicans divided the 
delegation in Congress. William B. Baker defeated Talbott in 
the Second district by a narrow margin, George L. Wellington 
defeated Ferdinand Williams in the Sixth district, and Barnes 
Compton was beaten by Coffin in the Fifth district. 

This brings the story up to the memorable campaign of 1895, 
when the Republicans elected the only Governor they have had 
since the Civil War, and the Democratic party was turned out of 
the control in State, city and nation. 



CHAPTER XIX. 



The Democratic Defeat of 1895, the Causes Thereof and the 
Results that Followed. 



The 1895 campaign marked the deluge. In it the political his- 
tory of Maryland was remade, the bosses overthrown, their ticket 
overwhelmingly beaten and the Republicans placed in power in 
State and city. The organization. State and city, was put on the 
run and the whole machine shattered with a crushing blow. It was, 
beyond all comparison, the most important political fight ever 
waged in the State. It was the climax of the long struggle against 
Gorman and Rasin beginning in 1875, and waged unremittingly 
and unsuccessfully every two years until 1895, when the victory 
was finally attained. It was a life-and-death battle, with big 
stakes on both sides, and it is still fresh enough in the minds of 
the people to recall almost every incident. Democrats who had 
never before scratched a ticket, like William Pinkney Whyte, 
Thomas G. Hayes, Robert T. Banks and hundreds of others, ar- 
rayed themselves solidly against the party and aided in its over- 
throw. Cowen, with the defeat of the Railroad Rate Pooling bill 
rankling in his heart, jumped back into the fight against Gorman, 
and the Republican campaign was largely financed by the Balti- 
more and Ohio Railroad. S. Davies Warfield, William Cabell 
Bruce, Wm. L. Marbury, Roger W. Cull and others were leaders 
in the fight against the Democratic organization. Also for the 
first time in a generation the Republicans put to the front a really 
strong Gubernatorial candidate — Lloyd Lowndes — and had at the 
head of the party organization a big, strong man — George L. 
Wellington. With Wellington as chairman of the State Com- 
mittee and Stone in charge of the city campaign, the Republicans 
made a brilliant fight, but it was the great power of The Sun and 

the tremendous force of the independent Democrats who bolted 
lit.- 



196 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

the ticket that really won the fight and elected Lowndes by a ma- 
jority of nearly 20,000. Gorman lost his own county of Howard 
and the only unshaken strongholds of Democracy, when the battle 
was over, were Worcester, Wicomico, Queen Anne's, Calvert, 
Caroline, Harford and Montgomery. These and these only 
elected their legislative ticket. Everything else went down in the 
crash and the slaughter was terrific. With a Republican Mayor 
and a Republican City Council, a Republican Governor. Republi- 
can Legislature and Republican Board of Public Works, the de- 
feat was complete and for the first time since the Civil War the 
Republican party was in the saddle and the majority party left 
without so much as a foothold in the State or city governments. 

Looking back now, it is easy to see how Mr. Gorman could 
have avoided the crushing defeat that came, and there is reason to 
believe that he saw it, too, and realized that defeat was inevitable. 
It was Rasin who made it impossible for him to do what he really 
wanted to do — nominate Hayes — while Judge Fisher himself pre- 
vented his own nomination by attacking Gorman publicly a few 
hours after an agreement had been reached to make him the can- 
didate. Brown he would not have, and he finally picked Mr. 
Hurst as the best possible solution, determined to make a des- 
perate fight to pull him through, regardless of the prophecies of 
disaster and the warnings that came from his friends. The cam- 
paign followed close upon Gorman's break with Cleveland over 
the Wilson Tariff bill and Maryland being a Cleveland State, was 
up in arms over that memorable incident. Brown was still Gov- 
ernor and would have liked to have succeeded himself. The 
Sun favored him and there was a strong sentiment among the 
business interests of the city for him, but whether or not Gorman 
feared him as a possible Senatorial candidate in 1897, the fact is 
he was not for him, and Brown, realizing this, came out in a 
statement declaring he would not accept a renomination if one 
were tendered him. One argument used against Brown was that 
his attitude on the Reassessment bill rendered him unavailable as 
a candidate. But there was no real force to this argument. Things 
drifted along for a while after the adjournment of the Legisla- 
ture of 1894, with the newspapers and the people generally specu- 
lating as to the possible candidate, until Isidor Rayner, who had 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 197 

been rankling over the treatment accorded him in pushing him 
aside to send Cowen to Congress, came out publicly as a candi- 
date for the Governorship. He flung his banner across Baltimore 
street, at Light street, hired Music Hall and at a tremendous 
massmeeting announced his candidacy and boldly defied the 
bosses. He was in the fight to stay, he said, and would be on 
the fiefd of battle until the last shot was fired. Ex-Governor 
Whyte, Mr. Edgar H. Gans and others spoke in behalf of his 
candidacy. The hall was packed and there was tremendous 
enthusiasm. Mr. Rayner made a characteristic and eloquent 
speech, and his high-sounding words stirred the people into be- 
lieving that there would be a hot fight for the nomination. 

After the meeting the Rayner candidacy boomed along for 
a while, and then suddenly Mr. Rayner went to Atlantic City. He 
could not be located for several days, but finally from there he 
gave out a statement, withdrawing from the race and declaring 
that the "fiat" of the bosses had gone out against him. It was 
the gossip among the politicians at the time that Rasin had told 
Rayner that he could have the nomination, but it would cost him 
$40,000. Mr. Whyte was in Chicago at the time and knew nothing 
of Mr. Rayner's intention to get out of the field. His action left 
his friends pretty well up in the air and complicated the whole 
situation. They were unsparing in their denunciation of Ray- 
ner's desertion of his own standard. 

Soon after his withdrawal, however, other bonafide 
candidates began to enter the field. John Walter Smith, of Wor- 
cester county, and Spencer C. Jones, of Montgomery, came out 
as avowed aspirants. Thomas G. Hayes was a candidate, and his 
banner was also flown across Baltimore street, a short distance 
east of Rayner's. Others mentioned as aspirants were Judge 
Robinson, of the Court of Appeals ; Judge J. Upshur Dennis and 
James H. Preston. Then came the announcement of Judge Wil- 
liam A. Fisher, and sentiment immediately began to crystallize 
behind him. He and Hayes were the really popular candidates, 
both of them strong with the people and both free from suspicion 
of being controlled by any man. It was about this time that Gor- 
man came to the city and talked the situation over with Rasin, 
Thomas M. Lanahan, J. Fred C. Talbott, Barnes Compton. John 



198 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Walter Smith and others. He also had a talk with Thomas G. 
Hayes and was strongly in favor of making him the candidate. 
When the name of Hayes was mentioned to him, however, Rasin 
vigorously and fiercely protested. He would, he declared, under 
no circumstances agree to Hayes. It being impossible to nomi- 
nate a city man not acceptable to Rasin, Gorman had to drop the 
idea of making Hayes and their sincere reason given was his atti- 
tude on the Reassessment bill, which was the reverse of Brown's. 
Meanwhile Fisher and his friends had been making considerable 
headway with his candidacy. Out in Baltimore county the sentiment 
was strongly for him and the biggest Democrats in the city were 
coming out openly in his favor. He was actively and energetically 
pushing his claims, and after the elimination of Hayes and the 
refusal of Judge Robinson to permit his name to be used, there 
was another conference of leaders at Gorman's room in the Ren- 
nert Hotel. There were present Gorman, Rasin, Compton and 
Talbott. After going over the field an agreement was reached to 
nominate Judge Fisher, and Mr. Gorman told Mr. Compton to 
see Fisher the next day and tell him that he would be acceptable 
to the organization. According to Congressman Talbott, who 
was present at the conference, it had been fully determined to 
nominate Judge Fisher. Everyone was agreed that it was the 
only thing to do under the circumstances, and it was understood 
that Compton was to carry the message to him the next day. The 
whole thing was regarded as settled and Rasin was satisfied. The 
next day — July 24 — before Compton could deliver his message, 
the interview with Judge Fisher attacking and denouncing Gor- 
man appearel in The Sun. Judge Fisher had given this inter- 
view out on the advice of Mr. Bruce and others of his close 
friends, and it was a hot one. It arrayed him squarely against 
Mr. Gorman, whom he denounced as unworthy to be considered 
a Democrat. That interview prevented him from being nomi- 
nated. As soon as it appeared Gorman got word to Compton, and 
Fisher was no longer considered by them as a candidate. The 
situation drifted along for a day or so, and then the name of John 
E. Hurst was sprung. This was exactly two days before the con- 
vention. No one had mentioned him in connection with the nomi- 
nation prior to that time. The night before his name became 
public Gorman had conferred with Rasin at the residence of 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 199 

Thomas M. Lanahan, on Charles street. Hurst followed the men- 
tion of his name came out with the statement that if nominated he 
would accept, and immediately The Sun and other newspapers 
began the attack on Gorman and Rasin. The convention met on 
August I, but before it essembled it was known the Gorman slate 
would go through and that there was no chance for either Hayes 
or Fisher. Smith and Jones, the other two avowed candidates, 
were never in the running. 

Few persons who were there will ever forget that convention. 
It was the most tempestuous and unruly since that at which John 
Lee Carroll was nominated. Bernard Carter presided, and it was 
a trying time for him, as upon his shoulders fell the burden of 
placing Hurst in nomination in the face of a gallery of uproarious 
and enthusiastic adherents of Fisher and Hayes. L. Victor Baugh- 
man was chairman of the committee on resolutions, and the plat- 
form strongly indorsed Cleveland, Hurst having come out pub- 
licly as a Cleveland man. From the very start the crowd in the 
gallery shouted for Fisher and yelled against Gorman and Rasin. 
William Grason, of Baltimore county, placed Fisher in nomina- 
tion, and seconding speeches were made by B. Frank Crouse, of 
Carroll county, and H. F. Wingert, of Frederick. These speeches 
were received with tremendous enthusiasm by the galleries and 
absolute silence by the bulk of the delegates. It was at this point 
that Mr. Carter called James H. Preston to the chair and took 
the floor to nominate Hurst. At the first mention of his name 
the crowd yelled "Gorman's man !" Mr. Carter appealed for or- 
der and Mr. Preston threatened to have the galleries cleared. The 
crowd laughed, and, from the start to the finish of Mr. Carter's 
speech, tormented him with interruptions, comments, yells and 
advice. When it was over Mr. Carter plainly showed the strain 
of the ordeal which he had endured. Hayes was nominated by 
William T. Biedler, and all through the speech the crowd kept 
shouting "Poor Tom Hayes." There was but one ballot. Hurst 
got 79 votes, Fisher 31, Hayes 2 and Jones 5. John Walter Smith's 
name was not presented to the convention. Gorman was not 
in evidence at the convention, but prior to its meeting he received 
the county and city leaders in his room at the CarroHton Hotel. 
It was here that Hayes, who had been promised Gorman's support 



200 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

and depended upon it, believing that he had been betrayed, rushed 
in and dramatically denounced Mr. Gorman to his face, accusing 
him of treachery and declaring that he would live to see him de- 
feated and would never rest until it had been done. Hayes shook 
his fist at Mr. Gorman and declared he had been a traitor to a 
friend who had trusted him fully. His voice could be heard in 
adjoining rooms. Throughout the tirade Mr. Gorman remained 
unmoved, attempting no explanation or answer. It was as if he 
had not heard Mr. Hayes at all. The two votes that Hayes got 
in the convention were those of William T. Biedler, from Balti- 
more city, and one delegate from Calvert county. Fisher got 6 
from Allegany ; i from Baltimore city — John T. Gray ; 5 from 
Baltimore county ; 3 from Charles ; 4 from Dorchester ; 2 from 
Garrett ; 2^ from Harford and 3^4 from Washington. 

The ticket as nominated was as follows : 

For Governor — John E. Hurst, of Baltimore. 

For Comptroller — Marion De Kalb Smith, of Kent county. 

For Attorney-General — Charles C. Crothers, of Cecil county. 

Immediately following the convention the batteries of The Sun 
and of the anti-Gorman and anti-Rasin Democrats in the city and 
State were unloosed. Democrat after Democrat began to come 
out openly against the ticket. The Sun teemed with editorials 
denouncing bossism and calling upon the people to arise and de- 
feat the machine-made ticket. One editorial of unusual strength, 
which was said to be one of the most effective pieces of political 
writing published in years, was entitled "The Dual Despotism of 
Gorman and Rasin." The Federation of Labor met and decided 
to oppose the election of Hurst. Messrs. Whyte, Hayes, Banks, 
Packard, Marbury, Bruce, Keyser, Cull and others, came out 
strongly against the ticket, and long before the Republicans put 
their candidates in the field the town began to sizzle with the heat 
of the campaign. In the meantime, Cowen and others were busy 
endeavoring to have nominated the strongest Republican ticket 
possible. There were three avowed candidates in the field — Lloyd 
Lowndes, William T. Malster and William B. Baker, of Harford 
county. It was the first time in many years there had been a con- 
test for a Republican Gubernatorial nomination. Usually the diffi- 
culty had been in getting an acceptable man to take the nomina- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 201 

tion. This time there was a hot fight for it. Every Republican in 
the State believed that this was the time to win. The conven- 
tion was held in Cambridge on August 15, and John C. Rose was 
the presiding officer, having been selected by the Lowndes forces, 
who were led by George L. Wellington. Sydney E. Mudd led 
the Malster element in the convention, but soon saw that there 
was no chance for his candidate except through a combination 
with Baker. Mudd opposed the selection of Rose as presiding 
officer and nominated Charles Westcott, of Kent county. The 
vote on the presiding officer, which was a test vote, was: Rose, 
68^ ; Westcott 47 >4- Mudd then tried to take a recess, but this 
was voted down. After some routine work had been done a re- 
cess was taken. During the recess the Malster men counted 
noses, saw they could not win, and Mudd, when the convention 
assembled, in a speech in which he said he put the interests of 
the party above the interests of any man, withdrew Malster's 
name "in the interest of party harmony" and urged the nomina- 
tion of Lowndes by acclamation. The enthusiasm that followed 
this announcement was tremendous. The nomination was made 
by acclamation as suggested. The remainder of the ticket was 
then quickly made up, the whole ticket being as follows : 

For Governor — Lloyd Lowndes. 

Comptroller — Robert F. Graham. 

Attorney-General — Harry L. Clabaugh. 

It was at Lowndes' request that Wellington took the chairman- 
ship of the State Central Committee, and Wellington's work in 
this campaign was of a fine character. In the meantime Henry 
Williams had been brought out as a candidate for Mayor by 
the Business Men's Association, and agreed to be the Democratic 
standard-bearer in the city. This was the ticket nominated by 
the city convention on October 3 : 

Mayor — Henry Williams. 

State's Attorney — William F. Campbell. 

Clerk of the Superior Court — James Bond. 

Clerk of Circuit Court No. 2 — William R. Brewer. 

Judges of the Orphans' Court — George W. Lindsay, Daniel 
Gans and William F. Edwards. 

Sheriff — Thomas F. Locke. 



202 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Surveyor — Augustus Bouldin. 

The city convention, too, was a stormy one, the chief bone of 
contention being the nomination for Sheriff. Thomas F. Mc- 
Nulty had made a big fight for the nomination, and the sentiment 
in the town was overwhelmingly in his favor. Rasin refused to 
permit him to be named, and nominated Locke in the face of a 
storm of protest from the galleries. Harry Welles Rusk called 
the convention to order, and Gen. A. C. Trippe presided. Mr. 
Richard Mc Sherry nominated Mr. Williams and Archibald H. 
Taylor seconded the nomination. Immediately following the city 
convention the legislative district convention met and named the 
following legislative ticket : 

First District — Senate — Edward D. Fitzgerald. House of 
Delegates — Samuel M. Heazy, George Eisenberg, Adam Deupert, 
George W. Albaugh, Frank H. Armiger and William Dinear. 

Second District — George M. Upshur, Isaac Lobe Straus, Robt. 
F. Leach, Charles H. Carter, Martin Lehmayer and Francis F. 
Graham. 

Third District — Senate — Conway W. Sams. House of Dele- 
gates — Henry P. Chambers, Harold B. Scrimger, T. J. Schaum- 
loefel, Gustav Englehardt, Philip J. Singleton and William D. 
Robinson. 

The Republican city ticket was as follows : 

Mayor — Alcaeus Hooper. 

State's Attorney — Henry Duffy. 

Clerk of the Superior Court — Robert Ogle. 

Clerk of Circuit Court No. 2 — Alfred J. Schultz. 

Sheriff — Stephen R. Mason. 

Judges of the Orphans Court — Thomas R. Rich, C. F. Riehl 
and J. Henry Naas. 

Surveyor — Frank H. Sloan. 

Malster was a candidate for the Mayoralty nomination, and up 
to within a day or two of the convention Noble H. Creager had 
been his chief opponent. Hooper was the dark horse, and the 
Creager forces going over to him, his nomination was assured. 
The Hooper-Creager combination also made it possible to name 
Stephen R. Mason, who had been backed by William F. Airey,, 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 203 

for Sheriff. William O. Atwood in this campaign ran as the 
Prohibition candidate for Mayor. 

In the month tRat followed the whole State rang with the cam- 
paign, which in bitterness and fierceness eclipsed any that have 
since been held. Mr, Gorman threw himself personally into the 
fight and defied his enemies. He spoke in Baltimore at Cross 
Street Market Hall, Broadway Institute and HoUins Hall, and 
at Snow Hill, Ellicott City and other places in the counties. Per- 
sonally he led the fight, making more speeches than he had done 
in any previous campaign and fighting desperately against great 
odds to win. Besides Mr. Gorman, the principal speaking was 
done by Mr. Bernard Carter, John P. Poe and Isaac Lobe Straus, 
the latter of whom was on the ticket for the House of Delegates. 
Mr. Rayner took no part in the campaign. He did not come out 
against the ticket, like Hayes and Whyte, but he made no speeches 
for it, and after his withdrawal as a candidate kept quiet. Ip 
this campaign the individual who probably did more effective 
work against the ticket than any other man was Roger W. Cull, 
who was then chairman of the committee on elections of the Re- 
form League. In this capacity Mr. Cull did tremendous service 
for the Republicans. It was he who exposed the registration 
frauds in the city, and who by a plan of registered letters sent to 
voters broke up the schemes of the politicians and kept them on 
the defensive. It was he who manned the polls on election day 
with Reform League watchers, and who made of the Reform 
League a force and influence in that fight which it has never been 
since. Wellington and the Republican management ably man- 
aged their end of the fight. Theodore Roosevelt, who was then 
Police Commissioner of New York, was brought down here and 
made a red-hot speech at Music Hall with John V. L. Findlay 
and Lowndes. Gen. Felix Agnus presided at this meeting and 
Roosevelt scored the police and politicians. Under the manage- 
ment of Mr. Cull and his committee a Reform League mass- 
meeting was held at the same place, at which Joseph Packard, 
then its president; William Keyser, David L. Bartlett, Colonel 
Charles Marshall and Roger W. Cull spoke. In this speech Mr. 
Cull flayed John J. Mahon, who had been made chairman of the 
city executive committee, and it was at this meeting that a letter 



204 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

from Carl Schurz opposing Mr. Gorman was read. The most 
spectacular feature of the campaign on the Democratic side was 
the big parade held on Friday, November i, in which 15,000 of 
the unterrified marched through the streets of the city. This pa- 
rade was Gorman's idea, he hoping by it to instill confidence and 
enthusiasm into his forces and demonstrate that the local Democ- 
racy was solidly back of the ticket. It was to be the organiza- 
tion's high card. There had been rumors that Rasin was not 
true to the cause, and it had been hinted that he had had an inter- 
view with Cowen. There was a story told at the time that Mr. 
Gorman heard of this interview and accused Rasin of not being 
squarely for the ticket, and that Rasin in turn accused Morrison, 
Slater and Mahon. The truth of this story cannot be vouched for, 
and those who were closest to Mr. Rasin deny it absolutely, and 
assert he was earnestly for the ticket. In any event, the parade 
was a mistake. It was a tremendous demonstration, but there 
was no heart in it and no joy about it. The high card proved to 
be a deuce. Ahead of the procession was a float on which was 
mounted a gigantic bell that peeled out the announcement of the 
coming of the host. The next morning The Sun in a memor- 
able story pictured the parade as a funeral procession, with the 
big bell tolling the knell of the Gorman-Rasin ring. This nulli- 
fied the whole effect of the demonstration, which cost thousands 
of dollars and did not get a vote. Henry T. Douglas was chief 
marshal of the procession, and the heads of the different divis- 
ions were as follows : 

First — John Hannibal. 

Second — Thomas F. McNulty. 

Third — W. Stuart Symington. 

Fourth — Frank J. Pentz. 

Fifth— William T. Biedler. 

John J. Mahon, wearing a red shirt and white cap, led the John 
J. Mahon Democratic Club. Harry Parr, J. McKenny White, 
Gen. John Gill and Henry W^illiams rode in a carriage together, 
while Mayor F. C. Latrobe occupied one by himself. Governor 
Brown and a hundred prominent Democrats, with many of the 
candidates on the State and city tickets, reviewed the parade from 
a big stand, and there was speechmaking and fireworks. But it 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 205 

was all in vain. There was a dead note to the big procession. 
The men in it shouted and cheered, but the real, genuine confi- 
dence was lacking, and from the pavements, as it passed through 
the crowd guyed and made fun. John E. Hurst, the Guberna- 
torial candidate, worn out with campaigning, was not present, 
and it was, in fact, as near a funeral procession as a thing of that 
kind could be. 

The Democrats opposed to the ticket followed up the parade 
with a monster mass-meeting, at which Whyte, Keyser, Joseph 
S. Heuisler, Colonel Marshall and Jacob S. Rosenthal spoke. 
Roger W. Cull continued with his charges of registration frauds 
and repeaters, and The Sun opened up with its 13-inch guns. 

Election day came on November 5, and it was the most turbu- 
lent and disorderly election held in Baltimore for years, and it was 
the last disorderly election that has taken place in this city. The 
organization in its desperation, tried to "rough" it. Several ne- 
groes were shot, and some of them died. In the old Seventeenth 
ward, in South Baltimore, the "bloody seventeenth," the rioting 
was worse than anywhere else in the city, although it was almost 
as bad in the old Ninth, which also claimed the title "bloody." 

Reform League watchers all over the city were assaulted and 
driven from the polls. This was the time when William McCarty 
hit Leigh Bonsai in the eye while he was talking with a policeman. 
He was arrested and fined $5. Alfred S. Niles, another Reform 
League watcher, now judge, was struck in the eye in the Seven- 
teenth ward. Dr. Howard A. Kelly was hit in the face and had 
his nose broken, and Prof. W. J. Bliss, of the Johns Hopkins 
University, who was on duty in the Ninth ward, was badly 
beaten. He had his jaw broken, and had to be taken home. 

William P. Riggs was one of the watchers. He was a tre- 
mendous man, even in those days, and was called "Bull" Riggs, 
because he was supposed to have the strength of a bull. The 
story runs that he was walking down Hanover street on his way 
to the polls he was to watch when one of the ring toughs "soaked 
the Charles street dude" in the neck, without really knowing 
just what sort of a Charles street dude he was "soaking." Riggs 
swung on his assailant, landed a tremendous punch which sent 
the man clear across the pavement against a store with such force 



206 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

that the door was almost broken open. Others of the watchers, 
not so husky, were beaten and kicked. Rowdyism and fighting 
was rampant, but the tide was against the organization, and when 
the votes were counted Lowndes had swept the State by 18,728 
plurality and Hooper had been elected Mayor by 8,000. 

Francis E. Yewell, the builder, made, in this campaign, an 
independent fight for the Mayoralty. He had been a candidate 
for the Democratic nomination and after the convention continued 
his appeal direct to the people. A feature of the fight was the 
mix-up in the Board of Election Supervisors that finally resulted 
in the resignation of Dr. George H. Cairnes and the removal of 
Mr. John C. Holland, a Republican. Governor Brown then ap- 
pointed Mr. Charles J. Bonaparte and Mr. Thomas M. Lanahan, 
and the board was in a continual fight from that time on. The 
other member was Captain Bians, an organization Democrat, and 
there were some exceedingly lively sessions. Some of the men — 
Democrats — who in this fight arrayed themselves against the 
ticket, besides those mentioned, were : Thornton Rollins, George 
T. Gambrill, Thomas McCosker, Stewart Brown, J. Southgate 
Lemmon, T. Wallis Blakistone, William Winchester, Joseph Tate, 
Fabian Franklin, D. J. Foley, Andrew M. Reid, William H. Graff- 
lin, William F. Wheatley, Arthur George Brown, Francis K. 
Carey, John Pleasants, Lawrason Riggs, H. C. Shirley and Wil- 
loughby N. Smith. 

The Legislature elected was composed of 82 Republicans and 
35 Democrats. Its personnel, complete, was as follows: 

SENATE. 

Allegany — James M. Sloan, Republican. 

Anne Arundel — J. Wirt Randall, Republican. 

Baltimore City — (ist) — Gustavus A. Dobler, Republican; (2) 
— William Cabell Bruce, Democrat; (3) — Frank S. Strobridge,. 
Republican. 

Baltimore County — D. Hooper Emory, Republican. 

Calvert — John J. B. Bond, Democrat. 

Caroline — Thomas A. Smith, Democrat. 

Carroll — Joshua W. Hering, Democrat. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 20T 

Cecil — Charles C. Crothers, Democrat. 
Charles — Louis C. Carrico, Democrat. 
Dorchester — Joseph H. Johnson, Democrat.' 
Frederick — Frank C. Norwood, Republican. 
Garrett — Robert A. Ravenscroft, Republican. 
Harford — Charles W. Michael, Democrat. 
Howard — George D. Day, Republican. 
Kent — Charles T. Westcott, Republican. 
Montgomery — Hattersly W. Talbott, Democrat. 
Prince George's — William D. Bowie, Democrat. 
Queen Anne's — Woodland P. Finley, Democrat. 
Somerset — A. Lincoln Dryden, Republican. 
St. Mary's — ^Vashington Wilkinson, Republican. 
Talbot — Oswald Tilghman, Democrat. 
Washington — Norman B. Scott, Jr., Republican. 
Wicomico — Elihu E. Jackson, Democrat. 
Worcester — John Watler Smith, Democrat. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany — David E. Dick, Republican ; Albert E. Ohr, Republi- 
can; David Robertson, Republican; Frank Porter, Republican; 
James Campbell, Republican. 

Anne Arundel — James Cheston, Jr., Republican; Thomas M. 
Cole, Republican; J. Frank Krems, Republican; J. Winslow 
Jones, Republican. 

Baltimore City — (First District) — Samuel Smith Ford, Re- 
publican ; John A. Janetzke, Republican ; Charles E. Cunningham, 
Republican; Charles W. H. Burns, Republican; William H. Schil- 
ling, Republican ; George W. Padgett, Republican. 

Second District — George H. Mason, Jr., Republican; Yates 
Pennington, Republican; Lewis Putzel, Republican; Harry N. 
Abercrombie, Republican; Rufus W. Applegarth, Republican; 
Lindley M. Huggins, Republican. 

Third District — Henry N. Bankard, Republican; Edward F. 
Tolson, Republican ; George W. Warrenberger, Republican ; 
Chas. M. Nash, Republican; George J. Kaufman, Republican; 
Frederick R. Bye, Republican. 



208 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Cecil — William J. Smith, Republican ; Lewis T. Logan, Repub- 
lican; Webster White, Republican. 

Charles — Sydney E. Mudd, Republican ; Thomas Norman, Re- 
publican. 

Dorchester — Charles M. M. Wingate, Republican; William D. 
Hopkins, Republican ; W. Spry Bradley, Republican. 

Frederick — Job M. Miller, Republican ; George W. Crum, Jr., 
Republican ; John R. Rouzer, Republican ; Charles F. Markell, 
Republican; Melvin P. Wood, Republican. 

Garrett — Charles E. Hilleary, Republican ; Christian J. Otto, 
Republican. 

Harford — T. Littleton Hanway, Democrat; John L. G. Lee, 
Democrat; William M. Whiteford, Democrat; Robert Seneca, 
Democrat. 

Howard — Richard C. Pindell, Republican; Walter S. Black, 
Republican. 

Kent — James H. Baker, Republican; John P. Nicholson, Demo- 
crat. 

Montgomery — Edward J. Chiswell, Democrat ; Elisha C. Etchi- 
son, Democrat; Josiah J. Hutton, Democrat. 

Baltimore County — Wesley R. Whittaker, Republican ; Samuel 
H. Dehoff, Republican; Peter F. Wilhelm, Republican; Emanuel 
W. Herman, Republican; Frederick A. Birkefeld, Republican; 
Zebedee Householder, Republican. 

Calvert — Joseph M. Sherbert, Democrat; John F. Ireland, 
Democrat. 

Caroline — Henry R. Lewis, Democrat ; Joseph C. Clark, Demo- 
crat. 

Carroll— Charles H. Smith, Republican ; Charles J. H. Ganter, 
Republican; William F. Cover, Republican; Clotworthy Birnie, 
Republican. 

Prince George's — Millard F. Schooley, Republican; William 
D. Pyles, Republican ; George Holmes, Republican. 

Queen Anne's — George M. Vansant, Democrat ; John O. Phil- 
lips, Democrat ; Eugene L. Dudley, Democrat. 

Somerset — Franklin E. Cox, Republican; Maurice N. Carew, 
Republican ; Oliver P. Byrd, Republican. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 209 

St. Mary's — William F. Chesley, Republican; John S. Jones, 
Republican. 

Talbot — Isaac A. Barber, Republican; Henry Clay Dodson, 
Republican; Hiram S. Hall, Republican. 

Washington — John J. Koontz, Republican; Newton S. Cook, 
Republican; S. Alfred Harnish, Republican; William H. Lamar, 
Republican. 

Wicomico — George T. Truitt, Democrat; William S. Moore, 
Democrat; Granville M. Catlin, Democrat. 

Worcester — William F. Johnson, Democrat; Horace F. Har- 
monson, Democrat; Edwin H. Taylor, Democrat. 

Sydney E. Mudd became Speaker of the House and W. Cabell 
Bruce President of the Senate. 

The story of Mr. Bruce's selection and of the session of 1896, 
as well as the fight of 1897, which resulted in the defeat of Mr. 
Gorman to re-election to the Senate, giving the Republicans both 
United States Senators, will be told in a subsequent chapter. 



CHAPTER XX. 



Maryland Under Republican Rule — The Lowndes Administration 
— Rise of William F. Stone. 



From the close of the Civil War to 1895 the political history of 
Maryland is the history of the Democratic party. 

In all that period the Republicans had practically no voice in 
either city or State g^overnment. Their representation in City 
Council and the Legislature was pitiably small. In campaign after 
campaign they scarcely counted at all. In some years they nomi- 
nated candidates of their own, but more often they fused with 
the independent and bolting Democrats and waged their battles 
under Democratic auspices and guidances. The time has now 
come, however, when the turn of the political wheel places them 
in power and the reins of government are in their hands. From 
1895, with the election of Lowndes and Malster, until 1899, when 
Thomas G. Hayes was elected Mayor and John Walter Smith 
Governor, they were the whole show; and the majority party, 
through the split in its ranks and the revolt against its leaders, 
was out in the cold. It is proper now to look back over the years 
and tell something of the inside workings of the Republican party 
and the men who ran it. 

Today the most conspicuous and influential Republican is Wil- 
liam F. Stone, who has just been appointed for the fourth time 
Collector of Customs for Baltimore, eclipsing the record of any 
other man who has held this office. Stone stands today the ac- 
knowledged State as well as city leader, and he is the first man in 
his party since the war who has held these dual positions. His 
success in welding together the discordant elements has been 
phenomenal, and the claim is made that there exists in the party 
less factionalism and less friction than has existed in a genera- 
tion. A year or so ago, when Stone first won his laurels as State 
leader, there was a coterie of influential Republicans, such as 

210 




William F. Stone. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 211 

Goldsborough, Parran, Mudd, Jackson, Wachter and others, who 
were bitter in their denunciation and fierce in their opposition to 
him. Now every one of these men has apparently sunk his griev- 
ance and become the pohtical friend of Stone. Oil has been 
plentifully poured upon the troubled waters, and there is now no 
leader of power in either city or counties who is openly fighting 
him or who can be classed as his enemy. The truth is the 
Republican party is more united and in better condition than it 
has been since the campaign of 1895. All of this is a tribute to 
the diplomacy and shrewdness of Mr. Stone as a manager and 
his present prominence makes a glance back over his career of 
peculiar interest. 

Before he began to hold public office, Stone was a bookkeeper or 
something of that sort. It was in 1880 — 30 years ago — that he 
first made his appearance in politics, going to the Third Congres- 
sional district convention of that year as a delegate from the old 
Seventh Ward and helping to nominate Joshua Horner. Before 
that time he had begun to take an interest in the politics of the 
ward and had made a good many friends. Prior to 1891 the Re- 
publican organization was vastly different from that of the pres- 
ent day. Each ward had its president and secretary who looked 
after the interests of the party in the municipal campaigns, while 
in every ward there was also a member of the State committee, 
who ran things in the State fights. It was in the fall of 1881 that 
Stone was elected president of the Seventh ward after a hot pri- 
mary contest. Stephen R. Mason was the leader of the faction 
of the party that supported Stone and there were two other can- 
didates in the field. This was his first fight, and he won over- 
whelmingly, receiving a majority greater than his opponents did 
votes. Soon after this he became secretary of the Seventh Ward 
Republican Association, which is now the Pioneer Republican 
Club of the Eighth Ward, and a little later, when Stephen R. 
Mason, who was then its President, moved into another ward. 
Stone succeeded him as its head. This was the way he got his 
start in politics, and he has been active in every campaign since. 
In the new judges fight of 1882 he had charge of the Republican 
end of the Seventh Ward and supported the new judges, although 
there was a straight Republican ticket in the field. At this time 



212 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

there were two factions of the party in the city, one known as the 
Postoffice faction and the other as the Custom House faction. 
The leader of one was Col. Edwin H. Webster, who then held 
Stone's present position, and the other was led by Col. Harrison 
Adreon, who was the Postmaster of Baltimore. Mr. Stone af- 
filiated himself with the Postoffice faction and there were many 
bitter primary struggles between the two sides. 

Probably the biggest Republican in the State at this period was 
Gen. James A. Gary. He, with United States Senator A. J. Cres- 
well, of Cecil, and Colonel Webster of Harford county, co-ope- 
rated and controlled the party organization in the State. General 
Gary in 1879 was the Republican candidate for Governor. He 
was then and he still is one of the big men of his party, looked up 
to and respected throughout Maryland. 

Some others of the prominent figures in the party in the early 
eighties and later were Judge Hoffman, of Allegany county; H. 
Clay Naill, of Frederick county; Samuel W. Bradford, W. W. 
Johnson, William F. Airey, D. Pinkney West, G. Hugh B. As- 
kew, Emory Weatherby, William T. Henderson and others. 
Louis E. McComas was looming up in Western Maryland, but 
Lowndes, Wellington and Pearre did not become factors in that 
section of the State until later. In these days the Republican cause 
was hopeless and the only rewards coming from control of the 
organization were in the nature of the Federal plums distributed 
by the Republican Presidents. These were fought over far more 
bitterly than were the nominations for Governor or Mayor. Usu- 
ally the nominations went begging and the party people were 
generally content to fall in line behind the independent Demo- 
crats. There were, however, some hot old primary fights be- 
tween the different factions for control of the organization. 

Between 1883 and 1887 William F. Airey came strongly to the 
front and was practically the city boss. He had always to fight 
to retain his hold, however, and in 1887 there was a particularly 
bitter contest between Airey and his friends on the one side and 
W. W. Johnson, Stephen R. Mason and their following on the 
other. Stone was with the anti-Airey element, and the fight cen- 
tered in his district — the First. In the State convention follow- 
ing these primaries both sides sent delegates and a vigorous fight 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 213 

was made for the seats, the anti-Airey delegates finally winning. 
The State Central Committee followed this up by recognizing the 
Stone element in the district, and Stone was then elected the leg- 
islative district executive, which gave him sway over the first six 
wards in the city. This was his second step to the front and a 
big one. 

In 1888 Airey and Johnson, who had been fighting each other, 
buried the hatchet and combined. They both went to Chicago 
as delegates to the national convention and both were strong for 
Harrison. After Harrison's election Johnson became Postmaster 
and Airey became United States Marshal. Stone was an appli- 
cant for the latter place, but did not have the strength back of 
him at the time to land such a prize against a leader like Airey. 
The Johnson-Airey combination continued in the saddle in the 
city pretty well from this time until 1893, when there was an- 
other warm fight, in which Stone fought the combination, and 
again the delegates hostile to Airey were seated by the Repub- 
lican State Convention. 

The feeling between the factions, however, was so bitter that 
Gary and other of the State leaders felt that some drastic action 
was necessary. Accordingly, a resolution was adopted 
by which the whole of the old city organization was 
ousted and the State convention chairman, Charles T. 
Westcott, of Kent county, authorized to name a new city com- 
mittee. This he did, and among the men who were selected as 
members of the new committee were George R. Gaither, Daniel 
L. Brinton, Henry Stockbridge, Noble L. Creager, Frank S. 
Strobridge, Richard A. Dunn, James E. McClellan, William T. 
Henderson and William F. Stone. Immediately after its crea- 
tion this committee met and Stone was unanimously chosen chair- 
man. This was his third and biggest step upward toward the 
head of his party. The first fight he managed as chairman of 
the city committee was the first time Malster ran for Mayor, and 
he reduced the Democratic plurality in the city from about 15,000 
when Cleveland ran two years before to 4,800. The contest for 
Congress in the Third district between Harry Welles Rusk and 
Dr. William S. Booze was so close that Booze contested the seat, 
but it was in 1894 that the Republicans really caught their first 



214 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

glimpse of the silver linings to the clouds. In this year for the 
first time since the war they gained control of the First Branch 
Gity Council, electing 12 of the 22 members and electing a Re- 
publican President of the branch — Alcaeus Hooper. 

Then came along the 1895 campaign, the story of which has 
already been told. Stone and Airey had by this time gotten to- 
gether, and both supported Lowndes in the city primaries for 
delegates to the State convention. Lowndes carried the Second 
district, Malster the Third and the First district was contested. 
In the State convention Stone made the fight before the creden- 
tials committee for the seating of the Lowndes delegates from the 
First district, while the late Charles L. Wilson represented the 
Malster element. Phillips Lee Goldsborough and David W. 
Sloan were conspicuous Lowndes men in the convention, but the 
real leader of the Lowndes force was George L. Wellington, who 
was then in Congress and had become a factor in Western Mary- 
land. It was at Lowndes' request that Wellington became chair- 
man of the State committee and Stone was re-elected after the 
convention as chairman of the city committee. They had joint 
headquarters in the National Bank of Baltimore Building, and at 
that time Stone was a strong Wellington man. 

Immediately following the election the Republican members 
of the City Council met and decided in caucus upon Mr. Stone 
for the City Registership. This was one place that Stone did not 
seek, and he was genuinely surprised when Henry F. New, Wil- 
liam C. Clay and J. S. Allison told him of what the caucus had 
done. He was elected City Register in January, 1896, and then 
came the first Bryan-McKinley campaign. 

Wellington had become the State leader, and was in complete 
control of the organization. He had been elected to the United 
States Senate at the session of 1896, to take the place of Charles 
H. Gibson, but had not yet taken his seat. Wellington announced 
his candidacy immediately after the election of lowndes, and it 
was conceded that his party services entitled him to the place. 
There was, however, in the way the Eastern Shore law, and this 
was the turn of the Eastern Shore to have the Senator. Phillips 
Lee Goldsborough was a candidate, and made a strong fight. The 
city delegates lined up for Wellington, and although Governor 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS, 215 

Lowndes did not openly declare himself, one of his early appoint- 
ments gave an indication of where he stood. If Wellington was 
to be recognized by Lowndes in the distribution of the patronage 
the Goldsborough forces could not hold their men in line. No 
one knew what Lowndes would do until Robert Grain, who had 
been Liquor License Commissioner under Governor Brown, re- 
signed. This gave Lowndes an immediate appointment. Upon 
the recommendation of Stone he named T. Frank Tyler. Stone 
was with Wellington, and this appointment was regarded as sig- 
nificant. A day or two following there was sufficient changes in 
the caucus to nominate Wellington, and he was elected. Gen. 
Thomas J. Shryock was elected State Treasurer, his only oppon- 
ent being William T. Brigham. 

Some of the more important of the Lowndes appointments 
were : 

Supervisors of Elections— Robert H. Smith, Edmund H. Hoff- 
man and Charles H. Carter. 

Liquor License Board — T. Frank Tyler, Louis T. Weis and R. 
Dorsey Coale. 

Insurance Commissioner — F. Albert Kurtz. 

Commander of the Oyster Navy — Capt. E. S. S. Turner, of 
Wicomico. 

At this time the Police Commissioners were elected by the Leg- 
islature, and these were the ones chosen : 

Daniel C. Heddinger, Republican, 

W, W, Johnson, Republican, 

Edson M, Shriver, Democrat, 

There was a tremendous amount of criticism of the two Repub- 
licans on this board and it formed one of the weakest spots in 
the Lowndes administration. Lowndes himself made an excellent 
Governor, but he was unfortunate in the character of some of 
his appointees and in the record made by the Legislatures of 
1896 and 1898, both of which will long be remembered. Another 
feature that helped disgust the public with the Republican regime 
was the prominence of the negroes at Annapolis and elsewhere. 
Both the State House and the City Hall teemed with them, and 
their arrogance and impudence aroused general resentment. Gov- 
ernor Lowndes was a high-toned man and socially his adminis- 



216 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

tration was, perhaps, the most popular of any Governor, but the 
power and patronage so suddenly gained seemed too much for 
the politicians of the party, and particularly in Baltimore the 
conduct of affairs was not creditable. 

The story of how Alcaeus Hooper became Mayor has been told. 
Almost as soon as he took his seat he became involved in a heated 
and prolonged controversy with the City Council over the ques- 
tion of appointments. Hooper declined to recognize the recom- 
mendations of the Council, and determined to make his own selec- 
tions regardless of them. The Council got its back up and passed 
ordinances taking away from the Mayor the right of appoint- 
ment and placing this power in the hands of the Council. This 
was before the day of the new Charter. The Council went ahead 
and selected heads for the various departments. Hooper promptly 
refused to qualify the men thus selected. The matter was then 
taken into court. WilHam Shepard Bryan, Jr., Henry Stock- 
bridge and Daniel L. Brinton represented the City Council, and 
City Solicitor Thomas Ireland Elliott represented Mayor Hooper. 
The test case was over Noble L. Creager, who had been elected 
Tax Collector by the Council. The case was tried before Judge 
Ritchie, who sustained the Council. Mayor Hooper took an ap- 
peal, and after some weeks of waiting the Court of Appeals re- 
versed the lower court and sustained Hooper, who then went 
ahead with his appointments, naming John F. Parlett City Col- 
lector, Charles D. Fenhagen City Comptroller, A. Roswel Cath- 
cart and John F. McFaul Fire Commissioners. 

In the meantime the 1896 Bryan-McKinley campaign had been 
waged and won, with the help of the anti-Bryan and Gold Demo- 
crats. McKinley had been inaugurated and the Republicans all 
over the State were engaged in a struggle for the Federal offices. 
The Congressmen elected in that year were : 

First District — Dr. Isaac A. Barber, of Talbot. 

Second — William B. Baker, of Harford county. 

Third— Dr. W. S. Booze. 

Fourth — William W. Mclntire. 

Fifth— Sydney E. Mudd. 

Sixth — John MacDonald, of Montgomery. 

Maryland and the Maryland Congressmen made a big fight 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 217 

to make Gen. James A. Gary a member of McKinley's Cabinet, 
In February, 1897, the Republican Representatives and Senators 
in Congress from the Southern States held a meeting in Wash- 
ington, and decided to ask McKinley to appoint General Gary to 
the Cabinet as a recognition of the South. The conference desig- 
nated George L. Wellington, of Maryland, and Walter P. Brown- 
low, of Tennessee, to go to Canton to acquaint McKinley with 
the action of the Southern Representatives in Congress. At the 
last minute Wellington found it impossible to go, and designated 
Stone as his substitute. Stone and Brownlow went to Canton 
and laid the case before the President, who promised to take it 
under advisement, but did not commit himself. A day or so after 
their return General Gary received a long distance telephone 
message asking him to come to Canton. He complied, and upon 
reaching McKinley's home McKinley offered him the Postmaster- 
Generalship, which he accepted. 

Stone, in the meantime, was a candidate for Postmaster of 
Baltimore. He had made a big fight for the place and was strongly 
indorsed. Great pressure was brought to bear on McKinley, 
however, to retain S. Davies Warfield, who had been appointed 
by Mr. Cleveland in 1893. Mr. Warfield had supported McKin- 
ley as vigorously as any Republican in the State, and he had also 
raised a large sum of money for the campaign in Maryland. His 
services were of a kind that could not be ignored, and his friends, 
not only in Maryland, but in New York, convinced McKinley that 
he should be retained. When this developed Stone realized that 
he was up against it, but the strength of his support was such 
that McKinley felt compelled to recognize him, and did so by 
making him Collector of Customs, which place he has held ever 
since. 

Some of the Federal appointments made by McKinley in his 
first term were : Collector of Customs, William F. Stone ; Naval 
Officer, Norman B. Scott; Surveyor, John B. Hanna; District 
Attorney, John C. Rose; Collector of Internal Revenue, Benjamin 
F. Parlett; Immigration Commissioner, Percy C. Hennighausen, 
and Appraiser, Henry R. Torbert. 

At the expiration of Hooper's term as Mayor in 1897 Malster's 
friends and the Columbian Club gathered their forces together 



218 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

for another battle for the "ship-builder." The organization can- 
didate in the primaries for the Mayoralty nomination was Theo- 
dore Marburg, who had been forced on it by a committee of 
business men, including Edward L. Bartlett, William T. Dixon, 
Thomas J. Hayward, Isaac H. Dixon, Daniel E. Conklin and 
Nicholas P. Bond. All of these friends of Marburg were indus- 
triously working in his behalf, and a committee representing them 
had a conference with Collector Stone and secured his support. 
They also had the support of Airey, and believed the nomination 
could be landed easily. Marburg was anxious to be Mayor, and 
the whole road looked smooth. 

When the city committee, however, met and adopted regula- 
tions governing the primaries, the Malster element disputed the 
right of the committee to do certain things, and refused to abide 
by its action. 

The controversy was taken to court. George R. Gaither, 
Thomas Ireland Elliott and Edgar H. Gans represented the Mal- 
ster element, and Isidor Rayner, John C. Rose and Daniel L. Brin- 
ton represented the City Committee. Judge Harlan heard the 
case, and without leaving his seat on the bench decided in favor 
of the City Committee. The Malster people then refused to enter 
the primaries and held primaries of their own. The whole busi- 
ness came up at the State convention at Ocean City in August, 
which body threw both sides out and ordered a new set of pri- 
maries. In the new primaries Marburg did not appear as a can- 
didate, and Malster was nominated without opposition, together 
with a full Councilmanic ticket of Malster men. Malster and his 
ticket were elected, and for two years thereafter the Columbian 
Club was in control of the organization of the party in the city, 
and the Stone-Airey element was to a large extent outside of the 
breastworks. "Charlie" Wilson was the power behind the throne 
in the city administration, and the patronage all went toward the 
creation of a Columbian Club machine, of which he was the head. 
Malster, too, had his break with the Council, Samuel Eccles, 
E. Clay Timanus, Thomas W. Skinner, Charles W. Hatter, John 
C. Simmering, George C. Warrenberger and other members re- 
fusing to co-operate with him. 

When the Legislature met the Malster element in the city dele- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 219 

gation — II of them — bolted the RepubHcan caucus, which had 
decided upon Judge Ashley M. Gould for Speaker, and by mak- 
ing a combination with the Democrats elected Louis C. Schaefer, 
whose record as a speaker was — well, the less said about it the 
better. At this time Wellington still retained the State leader- 
ship. George A. Pearre had been elected to Congress. Mudd was 
the strong figure in Southern Maryland, and William H. Jackson 
had changed from a Democrat to a Republican. His change came 
in 1895. Prior to that time he had been an ardent Democrat, and 
contributed almost as largely to the Democratic campaigns as 
he has since to the Republican fights. McComas was a Federal 
judge, but the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, through 
Mr. Cowen, was anxious that he should go to the United States 
Senate. Wellington and McComas had become politically 
friendly, and the Wellington-Stone combination supported Mc- 
Comas for the Senatorship to succeed Mr. Gorman. Alexander 
K. Shaw was a candidate, and was supported by the Malster ele- 
ment in the city and by the Baltimore American. 

It is stated that at the time the fight was being made to make 
Mr. Gary the Postmaster-General Messrs. George R. Gaither and 
Harry C. Clabaugh went to Canton and saw Mr. McKinley in the 
interest of Judge McComas, who was also ambitious to enter the 
Cabinet. This visit became known to General Gary, and caused 
the break between him and McComas that lasted for years. Mc- 
Kinley did not appoint McComas then, but the next year he did 
use his influence for him in the Senatorship fight. 

It was believed that Governor Lowndes desired the Senator- 
ship, but he was induced, principally, by Mr. Cowen and Mr. S. 
D. Warfield not to make the fight, and McComas won. It was at 
this session — 1898 — that Wachter made his successful fight to 
become Police Commissioner. Wachter had become somewhat 
of a figure in Baltimore politics, but was considered a Malster 
man, and the Lowndes influence in the Legislature was against 
him. His first nomination for Congress came in the fall of 1898, 
and he was named without opposition in the primaries. Those 
elected to Congress that year were : 

First District — John Walter Smith. 

Second — J. F. C. Talbott. 



220 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Third — Frank C. Wachter. 
Fourth — James W. Denny. 
Fifth— Sydney E. Mudd. 
Sixth — George A. Pearre. 

Right here, it is worth while to tell how Wachter won his 
first fight for Congress in 1898. The district at the time was 
Democratic and Wachter was comparatively new as a candidate. 
His Democratic opponent was Dr. John B. Schwatka. The 
fight had been a hot one, and the various ward clubs, church and 
charitable organizations had taken advantage of the situation to 
sell tickets to the opposing candidates for numerous functions. 
Both Schwatka and Wachter had bought and bought until they 
were tired. The second week before the election, a Fourth ward 
delegation came to Dr. Schwatka with a request that he buy $50 
worth of tickets for a big ball to be held in Schlegel's Hall three 
days before the election. They happened to catch Dr. Schwatka 
at a time when this sort of "hold-up" game had gotten on his 
nerves. He turned the delegation down hard, told them he would 
not buy a single ticket and otherwise expressed himself as to 
what he thought of the kind of robbery they typified. Sore and 
revengeful, the delegation went to Wachter's German street 
office. They found Wachter in much the same frame of mind 
as his opponent. Before he could answer the delegation, how- 
ever, the astute William M. Stewart, his close political adviser, 
took the candidate aside and explained some things to him. The 
result was Wachter. bought $25 worth of the tickets. On the 
night of the ball, Wachter put in an appearance at Schlegel's 
Hall. He was received with glad shouts by the reception com- 
mittee, introduced to every voter in the place, danced once or 
twice with the "ladies," and otherwise became the hero of the 
evening. Most of the men there were Democrats, and it was 
estimated by Stewart and others that on that night, Wachter 
made at the lowest calculation 75 votes. Two days afterwards 
the election was held and Schwatka defeated by 57. It was the 
Schlegel's Hall ball that turned the trick. 

Wachter was an ardent supporter of Mr. Malster, and led 
Malster's fight in the convention in 1897. ^^ ^^^ in this year that 
the negro vote, prevented W. W. Mclntire, who had made a fine 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 221 

record in Congress, and was instrumental in the upbuilding of 
the Naval Academy, from being re-elected. 

After taking his seat in the Senate, Wellington resigned as 
State Chairman, and Norman B. Scott succeeded him. Stephen 
R. Mason succeeded Stone as city chairman in this year. Welling- 
ton was in the saddle in the State and the Malster element in the 
city. Stone and his friends were not in control, although they 
were a formidable factor. The party was beginning to divide up 
in factions, and in the city the Malster administration and the 
"Kitchen Cabinet" that surrounded the Mayor had not com- 
mended itself to the independent Democrats who had placed it in 
power. 

This was about the situation in the 1899 campaign, which re- 
sulted in the election of Hayes in the spring, and was followed 
up in the fall by the election of Smith, and a Democratic Legis- 
lature, thus restoring the Democracy to control in city and 
State. 



CHAPTER XXL 



The Election of William Cabell Bruce as President of State 

Senate, and of George L. Wellington to the 

United States Senate. 



Probably the best-remembered incident of the session of the 
Legislature of 1896 was the election of William Cabell Bruce as 
President of the Senate. No more exciting election of a presid- 
ing officer has ever occurred in that body, nor has there been one 
which aroused so much bitterness and resentment. 

The way of it was this. Mr. Bruce was elected to the Senate 
in 1894, having been put on the ticket by Mr. Rasin, whose idea 
at the time was to sidetrack the threatening storm by entering the 
Reform camp and making of its leaders Democratic candidates. 
In the fight of 1895 Bruce, refusing to be muzzled by his office, 
openly and vigorously opposed the Democratic ticket, denounced 
Gorman and Rasin and fought under the flag of Cowen and his 
friends. 

When the smoke of the battle cleared away it was found that 
there had been elected to the Senate 13 regular Democrats, 12 
regular Republicans and Mr. Bruce.who, repudiated by the Demo- 
crats, and unwilling to affiliate with the Republicans, was un- 
classified. Mr. Cowen and the interests behind him were exceed- 
ingly anxious to organize the Senate with a presiding officer and 
committees friendly to the independent element and hostile to the 
organization. Their candidate for President of the Senate was 
Bruce, and their plan was to tie things up in a deadlock with the 
Republican votes until the Democrats agreed to this. A day or 
so after the election Pinkney J. Bennett, a regular Democrat who 
had been elected from Carroll county, died. A special election was 
called to fill the vacancy, and Dr. Joshua W. Hering, the present 
State Comptroller, was nominated by the Democrats. There was 
222 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 223 

a tremendous fight, in which a large amount of money, said to 
have been furnished by the BaUimore and Ohio Railroad, was 
used. Mr. Cowen and those associated with him were convinced 
absolutely that, if elected, Dr. Hering would affiliate himself with 
the independents in the Senate and help elect Bruce President. It 
was in this campaign that Cowen went to Westminster and there 
made one of the greatest speeches of his life, charming and cap- 
turing a hostile audience of regular Democrats, who had learned 
to look upon him with hatred. Other independents, then closely 
associated personally and politically with Cowen, also stumped 
the county in behalf of Dr. Hering, and there is no doubt that the 
help of Robert Crain also had much to do with the election of 
Dr. Hering, working as the friend and agent of Cowen. The 
independent element contributed largely to his election. 

After Dr. Hering had won the fight the Cowen element was 
jubilant. Confident of the support of Dr. Hering, they felt that 
their fight for Bruce as President was assured, and that they 
would have complete control of the Senate with a working ma- 
jority. In fancied security they dwelt until a few days before the 
convening of the Legislature. Then it was a chance remark of 
Dr. Frank T. Shaw that put them "wise." Dr. Shaw came to 
Baltimore one day, and, stopping at the Carrollton Hotel, ran 
across a friend of Mr. Cowen, Robert Crain. Talking of the 
approach of the session. Dr. Shaw laughed and said he knew a 
joke on the reform element, "Don't you know," he said, "that 
they — Cowen and the others — have been counting right along 
on Dr. Hering. They think the doctor is going to be an inde- 
pendent when he gets to Annapolis. Well, the truth is he is as 
regular a Democrat as I am, and he is going along with the or- 
ganization from the start." 

This information somewhat startled Mr. Crain, who 
started a little quiet investigation and verified Dr. Shaw's state- 
ment. He then went to Mr. Cowen, in the Baltimore and Ohio 
Building. Mr. Cowen did not believe it — thought there must be 
a mistake. His informant insisted that there was no mistake, but 
went out and obtained still further verification. Then Mr. Cowen 
realized that if the regular Democrats got Mr. Bruce into a caucus 
they would have the necessary 14 votes to elect John Walter 



224 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Smith President of the Senate. Smith had been President of the 
preceding session, and was a friend of Gorman's and an organi- 
zation man from the heart out. Mr. Cowen and his friends im- 
mediately got busy. Mr. Cowen saw Mr. Bruce, and when the 
caucus was held his agents were in Annapolis. 

On the night of December 31 the regular Democrats caucused, 
and upon the motion of Charles C. Crothers, of Cecil, who had 
been the candidate for Attorney-General the year before, but 
still retained his seat in the Senate, John Walter Smith was unani- 
mously nominated for the presidency. Bruce had some friends 
in the caucus who were ready to vote for him if given the chance. 
One of these was Ex-Governor E. E. Jackson, who at no period 
had any love for Mr. Smith. The 12 Republican Senators stood 
ready to cast their votes solidly for Bruce in open session, and it 
was realized that with Bruce's own vote the Senate would be 
deadlocked and could not be organized. It was further known 
by the organization leaders that there was the risk of one of the 
caucus breaking the deadlock by voting for Bruce, whereas there 
was no chance of a Republican or of Bruce voting for Smith. 

Bruce, upon the advice of his friends, declined to go into the 
Democratic caucus. This rendered the organization Democrats 
helpless, and the further statement was made by Bruce's friends, 
professedly speaking for him, that if not chosen by the Demo- 
crats he would not refuse the Presidency if elected by Republican 
votes. Every possible effort was made, and every inducement 
offered to change Mr. Bruce and get him to come into the caucus. 
The Cowen cohorts stayed by his side and urged him to stand 
firm, finally induced him to go away from the scene of conflict 
about the State House, and to a room in the Maryland Hotel, 
where the regulars could not locate him. 

Their inability to find Mr. Bruce or to plead with him to change 
his mind left the regular Democrats wild, and the situation was 
finally solved by John Walter Smith, who, for the good of the 
party, declared that rather than have the Senate deadlocked in- 
definitely or have the Republicans elect the presiding officer he 
would withdraw as an aspirant, and urge the selection of Mr. 
Bruce by the Democrats. In the morning this proposition was 
made and accepted by Mr. Bruce, who assured the regulars that 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 225 

SO far as the Committee assignments were concerned they would 
have no cause for regret — and they did not. When the Senate 
met Mr. Bruce was elected by a unanimous vote, every Democrat 
and every Republican voting for him. He made an ideal presid- 
ing officer, and while fair, was as Democratic in his committee 
assignments and rulings as any organization man could have been. 

Next to the election of Bruce the United States Senatorial 
fight was, of course, the most important development. For days 
the session was in a turmoil over the struggle and the excitement 
ran high. It was Sydney E. Mudd, then Speaker of the House 
of Delegates, who finally led the break that resulted in the elec- 
tion of George L. Wellington. Wellington, with the prestige of a 
successful campaign as State Chairman, had announced his can- 
didacy before the session met, and he and his friends were insist- 
ing upon the ignoring of the Eastern Shore law then in effect. 
Philips Lee Goldsborough was the strongest aspirant from the 
Eastern Shore, and while there were others in the field the fight 
was really between him and Wellington. 

Lowndes declared himself the friend of Wellington, but at 
first asserted that he would not use his patronage to aid him or 
any other man. Wellington's friends, however, offset this by 
obtaining several early appointments of distinctly Wellington 
men. Stone and his friends in the Legislature were wholly for 
Wellington, and he had besides the Republican votes from West- 
ern Maryland. Benjamin A. Richmond and a big delegation of 
prominent Allegany county men came to Annapolis to aid Wel- 
lington in his fight, and Wellington came out in an interview in 
which he asserted he expected Lowndes to stand by him, and that 
he expected his friends to be recognized in the distribution of 
patronage. 

Notwithstanding this, however, he had not the strength on the 
first showdown to call a caucus. An attempt was made to hold a 
caucus on January 14, but it failed. Wellington was then 13 votes 
short. At this stage General Gary was brought out as a compro- 
mise candidate, but promptly declined to enter the field, and on 
January 14 the first ballot taken in joint session resulted as 
follows : 

Wellington, 25; Charles T. Westcott, 18; P. L. Goldsborough, 



226 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

14; A. Lincoln Dryden, 7; Daniel M. Henry, 9; John Walter 
Smith, 21 ; James C. Milliken, 7; Sydney E. Mudd, i ; Henry R. 
Torbert, i. 

This futile ballot was followed by several others, in which com- 
plimentary votes were cast for a number of candidates, and no 
choice was made. Finally on January 19 there was a caucus, in 
which the complimentary business was cut out, and Wellington 
and Goldsborough each polled 26 votes. There followed another 
caucus the next night, at which Mudd, who had been suspected of 
himself entertaining the belief that the lightning might strike 
him, led the break to Wellington. His speech and vote caused 
a vigorous protest from his friend, George Dorsey Day, then Sen- 
ator from Howard county. Mr. Mudd resented Mr. Day's re- 
marks, and a personal conflict was avoided only by Mr. Day's 
withdrawal of his harsh words. It was in this caucus that A. Lin- 
coln Dryden also broke away from his Eastern Shore friends, the 
wrench being so great that he first wept and then had an attack 
of vertigo. The Eastern Shore law was swept aside, and on the 
following day Wellington was elected. Wellington's friends were 
jubilant over their victory, and he was given a tremendous dem- 
onstration. The Eastern Shoremen were greatly depressed over 
the ignoring of the law giving them a Senator, but were even 
more greatly chagrined after the session when the discovery was 
made that the law had been repealed entirely without their know- 
ing of it. A clause in the Reform League election law wiped this 
law from the statutes, and it was not found out until it was all 
over. Just how the clause got into the bill no one has ever ex- 
plained. Everyone connected with the bill denied all knowledge 
of it. 

There was another big fight at this session over the civil service 
bill introduced by Mr. Bruce. The Republicans in their platform 
had pledged themselves to the enactment of such a bill. Lowndes 
in his speeches throughout the State had declared himself in its 
favor, yet when the bill was presented every possible means was 
used by the Republicans in House and Senate to avoid passing it. 

Finally the party had to be driven into redeeming this pledge 
through an aroused public sentiment that found expression in a 
bio- massmeeting held in Baltimore on February 16 at the old 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 227 

Young Men's Christian Association building. Speeches were 
made at this meeting by John C. Rose, George R. Gaither, Harry 
M. Clabaugh, Robert P. Graham, Dr. Howard A. Kelly and Wil- 
liam Keyser. The man who was most listened to, however, was 
Senator-elect Wellington, who came out vigorously insisting upon 
his party redeeming this pledge. The next day in the House of 
Delegates Bruce's bill was killed, but eventually a constitutional 
amendment submitting the question to the vote of the people was 
presented and passed. The amendment provided that "appoint- 
ments in the civil service of the State in municipalities and coun- 
ties of the State shall be made according to merit and fitness, to 
be ascertained, so far as practicable, by examination, which shall 
be competitive, except appointments which are subject to con- 
firmation by the Senate, and the General Assembly shall pass all 
such laws as may be needed to more fully carry into effect the 
provisions of this section." 

This was the first and only time the merit system had ever been 
submitted to a vote of the people of the State. At the next elec- 
tion — 1897 — this amendment was snowed under by the over- 
whelming majority of 69,000. The majority against it in the city 
was 36,000. It was contended at the time by the advocates of the 
merit system that the amendment did not have a fair chance, but 
that the heat of the campaign for and against Gorman was such as 
to obscure all other issues and the amendment was lost sight of. 

As soon as the session of the 1896 Legislature was over the 
Republicans became active in the national campaign, and their 
convention for selection of delegates to the Chicago convention 
that nominated McKinley was held in April. Wellington, Gary, 
Malster and Graham were chosen as the delegates-at-large, and 
Wellington was at this time the accepted and recognized State 
leader. 

The Democratic State Convention was held on June 10, and 
again a double delegation was selected to go to the national con- 
vention, as follows : 

Delegates-at-Large — John E. Hurst, Richard M. Venable, 
Charles C. Homer, John P. Poe, Gen. John Gill, Edwin Warfield, 
Charles C. Crothers and Marion De Kalb Smith. 

First District — Henry J. Lewis and John R. Pattison. 



228 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Second District — Frederick W. Von Kapff and Thomas H. 
Robinson. 

Third District — John Hannibal and Louis M. Duvall. 

Fourth District — James W. McElroy and William T. Biedler. 

Fifth District — William B. Clagett and Dr. George H. Jones. 

Sixth District — Spencer Watkins and Henry F. Wingert. 

The campaign that followed — the first Bryan-McKinley cam- 
paign — was another rout for the Democrats. They lost the State 
by a majority of more than 30,000. They lost all six Congress- 
men, and the party seemed hopelessly spHt and demoralized. The 
silver wing, led by S. S. Field and other ardent Bryan men, 
sprang into existence, and the Bryan Democrats became a factor 
in the State that has ever since had to be considered. It was in 
this year that Blair Lee, now the State Senator from Montgom- 
ery county, and probably the closest personal friend Mr. Bryan 
has in Maryland, ran for Congress in the Sixth district. It was 
in this year that the Honest Money League came into existence, 
inspired by Cowen and Keyser and managed by S. Davies War- 
field. It was in this fight that the Republicans had more money 
than they could well spend, while the Democrats for the first time 
in a generation found themselves hard up, with scarcely enough 
money to pay legitimate campaign expenses. The bulk of the 
money spent for the Republican candidates in Maryland was 
raised through the Honest Money League, and Mr. Warfield, 
although a large sum was placed in the State by the Republican 
National Committee. Gorman, although never an ardent Bryan 
man, took part in the campaign in Maryland, and spoke at a big 
meeting in Music Hall, now the Lyric. The Sun again led the 
fight against the Democratic ticket, and thousands of Democrats 
bolted the party and solidly voted for the Republican candidates 
on the money issue. 

The State was carried by the Republican candidates and the 
Republicans were jubilant. There then commenced the struggle 
among them over the Federal appointments and factionalism be- 
came rampant. Wellington was still in the saddle as the leader, 
and it was not long after the appointment of the big Federal 
places that Wellington had his first break with the late President 
McKinley. It came over the appointment as Consul to Leipsic 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 229 

of B. H. Warner, Jr. This appointment was made by McKinley 
against the protest of Wellington, who had endorsed young 
Warner for a smaller consulship but did not consider him a 
proper man for the Leipsic post, and he construed it as a 
slight that a man from Maryland, particularly one from his dis- 
trict who was an enemy of his, should have been named without 
his sanction. He held the appointment up in the Senate, and it 
was at this time that he made his famous remark as to the neces- 
sity of seeing him before such appointments were made, thus 
earning for himself the name of "See Me First," which hung to 
him for a long time, and upon which the changes in the news- 
papers were rung. The story of the appointment of Gen. James 
A, Gary as Postmaster-General and of Stone as Collector of the 
Port has already been told, and at this time the Republicans were 
in control of every office in the State, including Federal and mu- 
nicipal places, with the exception of the State Senate, where the 
Democrats had a majority of one, counting Mr. Bruce. 

This was the situation when the campaign of 1897 opened, the 
result of which was the retirement of Senator Gorman from the 
Senate for six years. The managers of that campaign look back 
now and say that $2,000 more in one of the counties on the East- 
em Shore would have prevented their defeat. As it was the mar- 
gin by which the Republicans held the Legislature was an ex- 
tremely slender one, and there was at one time a chance of the 
election of Senator Gorman, notwithstanding the Republican ma- 
jority. From start to finish Mr. Gorman was made the issue in 
the fight. He led it himself and the management of the details 
of the campaign were in the hands of Murray Vandiver, who had 
succeeded Hattersly W. Talbott, of Montgomery county, as chair- 
man of the Democratic State Central Committee. Every enemy 
Gorman had made in the State joined hands against him. The 
Sun and The News denounced him unsparingly, and the party 
split in every ward and in every county. The Honest Money 
League, which had come into existence the year before to oppose 
Bryan, read into the fight the silver issue, and came out against 
Gorman, and the legislative ticket known to be pledged to 
him. The fight was one of extreme bitterness, and no stone was 
left unturned to bring about Gorman's defeat. Rasinism was kept 



230 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

to the front in the city and Gormanism in the State by the oppo- 
nents of the management. The Republican campaign was again 
financed largely by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and inde- 
pendent Democrats inimical to Mr. Gorman. 

In the city the Democratic organization was well supplied 
with cash, but they could not have stemmed the tide 
there had they had a million dollars. For the first time in the 
recollection of any politician they had more money than could 
be spent, and in several wards after every purchasable vote had 
been obtained and after everything that money could do had been 
done there was still some left over. 

Early in the fight the following committee was appointed to 
take charge of the campaign in the city : Col. John C. Legg, 
Conway W. Sams, James Bosley, Sigmund Trautmann, James B. 
Guyton, J. L. Murrill, Charles W. Heuisler, John Hannibal and 
William F. Porter. It was in this campaign that Arthur P. Gor- 
man, Jr., first made his appearance in politics, attending the How- 
ard county convention, at which his father was selected as one of 
the delegates to the State convention. The State convention was 
held on July 28, at Ford's, and Col. Buchanan Schley presided. 
Thomas A. Smith, of Caroline county, was nominated as the 
candidate for State Comptroller, with J. Frank Ford, of St. 
Mary's, as candidate for Clerk of the Court of Appeals. Senator 
Gorman was, himself, chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, 
and Mr. John P. Poe wrote the platform, which was denounced by 
The Sun and other opposition papers as a "straddle," because 
it ignored the financial issue and confined itself to State affairs. 

The Republican State Convention was held at Ocean City, and 
there culminated the fight between the Malster element and the 
friends of Theodore Marburg. The story of the rise of Mr. Mar- 
burg's candidacy and the fight in the primaries has already been 
told. In the State convention Wellington made a big fight for 
the seating of the Marburg delegates and to sustain the Stone- 
Airey forces, staking his prestige as the party leader upon the 
outcome. 

It was Sydney E. Mudd who defeated Wellington and the 
Stone-Airey combination in this convention. Mudd and his 
Southern Maryland delegates held the balance of power, and he 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 231 

succeeded in making his friend, the late Dr. Washington G. 
Tuck, better known as "Bishop," chairman of the convention. 
With Tuck as the weapon, after a two days' session, during which 
there was much excitement, Mudd and the Malster forces tri- 
umphed, WelHngton admitted his defeat and the Marburg boom 
collapsed. Malster entered the new primaries ordered by the 
convention, and was named without opposition. Wellington took 
the defeat seriously to heart, and threatened to retire from the 
chairmanship. He did not do so, however, but continued and 
made the fight in 1897. Philips Lee Goldsborough was the Re- 
publican candidate for State Comptroller in this campaign, suc- 
ceeding Robert P. Graham, who shortly afterward became State 
Tax Commissioner. 

Mudd's defeat of Wellington in the convention gave the Demo- 
crats a chance to charge him with being the real Republican boss 
and to assert that the Republican candidates for the Legislature 
were pledged to him for the Senate. This the Republican candi- 
dates denied in an open letter. One of the incidents of the cam- 
paign was the open letter which Senator Gorman addressed to 
Mr. Edwin F. Abell, the then head of The Sun, in which he 
offered to let The Sun take hold of the campaign and run it, 
which proposition The Sun, of course, declined. It was in this 
campaign that the late Judge Charles E. Phelps was re-elected by 
102,490 votes, having no opposition in either party, and that Judge 
George M. Sharp, Republican, defeated James P. Gorter, 
Democrat. Malster was the Republican candidate for Mayor, and 
again Henry Williams gallantly bore the Democratic banner, lead- 
ing a perfectly hopeless fight in a way that endeared him to the 
hearts of Democrats throughout the State, and running way ahead 
of the rest of his ticket. Some of the more important Republican 
candidates who were elected that year were Edward M. Hoffman, 
for Sheriff; James H. Livingston, for Clerk of the Court of 
Common Pleas; Barreda Turner, for Clerk of Circuit Court .^ 
Henry J. Broening, for Clerk of the Criminal Court ; Stephen R. 
Mason, for Register of Wills, and Frank H. Sloan, for Surveyor. 

Some of the Democrats who went down in defeat in the city 
were Thomas F. McNulty, for Sheriff ; Hiram Dudley, for Clerk 
of the Criminal Court; Thomas Morse, for Register of Wills; 



232 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

William R. Brewer, for Clerk of the Circuit Court, and John 
Hannibal, for Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas. That was 
the year In which Lewis Putzel defeated Dr. J. Pembroke Thom 
for the State Senate. Goldsborough was elected Comptroller by 
more than 8,000, and General Allen Rutherford went in with him 
as Clerk of the Court of Appeals. 



CHAPTER XXII. 



The Defeat of Senator Gorman in the Memorable Campaign of 

1897, and the Election of Louis E. McComas 

by the Legislature. 



A study of the figures of the election of 1897 show that a hun- 
dred scattered votes would have given Gorman control of the 
Legislature and saved him from the only personal defeat of his 
career. Murray Vandiver, the present chairman of the Demo- 
cratic State Central Committee, has said since that $2,000 more 
distributed in certain counties would have turned the trick. 

The realization of this, however, came too late. Gorman 
thought he had the fight won, and he missed it by a narrow mar- 
gin — almost a hair's breadth — for while the Republicans had a 
majority of 17 on joint ballot, there were a number of Republican 
members who were elected by majorities ranging from two to 
twenty. So close was it that one student of election figures has 
since asserted that 36 votes taken from the Republican legislative 
candidates in the counties and given to the Democratic candidates 
would have saved Gorman his seat in the Senate. It was a ter- 
rifically bitter fight, and its result knocked the last prop from un- 
der the Democratic ring, and it, with its leaders, went into a 
period of retirement. The party came back into power two years 
later, but Mr. Gorman was out of office for four years, and it is a 
big tribute to his leadership that in those years his grip upon the 
organization was never loosened, and there was never any doubt 
about his return to the Senate in 1902 in the event of a Demo- 
cratic Legislature. As a matter of fact, he came fairly close to 
being elected in 1898, notwithstanding the Republican majority 
of 17, and the combination between 11 Malster Republicans and 
50 regular Democrats was broken only at the last moment. 

It has been said by men who were in it that that Legislature 

2.3.3 



234 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

was the most disgraceful of any since the Civil War. There was 
more buying and selling of votes, more open grafting and unclean 
politics than at any session that had gone before or that has fol- 
lowed. There were, of course, many honest and capable men of 
both parties in the House and Senate, but the proportion of those 
who were not honest was great and the corruption was brazen 
and shameless. Men who were members assert that the Speaker's 
desk was made an auction block and that legislation was bought 
and sold openly. Governor Lowndes appointed the Speaker of 
that House — Louis Schaefer — as State Fire Marshal, and then 
refused to issue his commission because of his record. Not long 
ago Schaefer was arrested in Baltimore on the charge of stealing 
jewelry. 

The late "Charlie" Wilson was the reading clerk of the House, 
and the real leader of the Malster forces in the Legislature, and 
he it was who engineered the deal that made Schaefer Speaker. 

The way of it was this: When, on January 5, the Republicans 
assembled in Annapolis to caucus for the selection of a Speaker 
and other officers of the House, it had already been determined 
by the State leaders to make Ashley M. Gould, of Montgomery 
county, the presiding officer of the House. Lowndes, Wellington 
and McComas had held a conference two days before in Balti- 
more, at which this had been determined. Gould was a McComas 
man, and both Wellington and Lowndes had declared for Mc- 
Comas for election to the United States Senate to succeed Gor- 
man. Lowndes himself had been a candidate up to a certain 
point — but that is another story. Alexander Shaw was in the 
fight for the Senatorship, with the backing of the Malster ele- 
ment and the Baltimore American. Mudd, who was then in Con- 
gress, came out for McComas, and it was conceded that the elec- 
tion of a McComas man for Speaker would about settle the 
whole business. When the caucus convened the 11 Malster Re- 
publicans, under the leadership of "Charlie" Wilson and Stephen 
R. Mason, refused to enter. This stand threw the 38 other Re- 
publicans into a state of excitement, and although they nominated 
Gould and the desk officers in caucus, they were powerless to 
elect them in the House without the Malster element. In the 
meantime Murray Vandiver and Lloyd Wilkinson, who was then 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 235 

the Democratic floor leader in the House, had held a conference 
with Senator Gorman in Washington, the result of which was 
that they came back to Annapolis and effected a hard and fast 
combination with the Malster element for the purpose of electing 
the Speaker. With 42 Democrats this combination gave the Mal- 
ster element entire control of the House, and the Malster leaders 
could run things as they pleased. What the Democrats hoped to 
get out of the combination was the chance of electing Gorman to 
the Senate. For two days the thing dragged along, with no 
Speaker at all being chosen, although Schaefer had his speech of 
acceptance in his pocket from the start. Finally, on January 
8, the Malster slate was put through. The regular Republicans 
the night before had reconvened their caucus and nominated 
Oscar Quinlan as Speaker, Gould having withdrawn. This was 
done with the hope of breaking the city forces away from Schaefer, 
but it failed to work, and the combination triumphed. 

Immediately the Senatorial fight began to get hot. Malster 
became a candidate, but did not openly announce himself, and 
there were others in the field who thought there was a chance of 
the lightning striking them. McComas had from the 
start the most strength, being backed by the Governor and 
Wellington. Stone was likewise with him, but was in control 
of only a few votes in the city delegation. McComas had been 
in politics for a long time. Back about 1876 he was defeated for 
Congress by William Walsh. Two years later he was elected 
and floated along in Congress until 1888. Then the Force bill 
came up and McComas made himself obnoxious in Maryland by 
voting for it. He also made enemies by supporting the McKinley 
Tariff Bill, which increased the duty on binding twine. As Fred- 
erick and Washington counties are two of the greatest wheat- 
growing counties in the country, this alienated a lot of farmers 
in this section of the State, and when McComas came up in 1890 
for re-election The Sun led the fight against him. An effort was 
made to get William Walsh to run again. Mr. Walsh was then 
too old to make the fight, and recommended William McKaig, 
then Mayor of Cumberland. Mr. McKaig was induced to become 
the candidate and McComas was defeated. 

President Harrison soon after this appointed him as a Federal 



236 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

judge, and he practically retired from politics, taking no part in 
the campaigns that followed, until he loomed up in 1897 as an 
aspirant for the Senate. He had the friendship of McKinley and 
also of John K. Cowen and S. Davies Warfield. McKinley and 
Cowen were from the same Congressional district in Ohio and 
were friends. Lowndes was and had been, from the time he was 
elected Governor, anxious to go to the Senate. Mr. Cowen is 
credited with having induced him to get out of the field and sup- 
port McComas by promising him a renomination as Governor, 
pledging the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad to aid in his election, 
and holding out the promise that if re-elected he would succeed 
Wellington in the Senate. The conference at which Lowndes 
was induced to get out took place at the Maryland Club, and he 
soon afterward openly declared for McComas. McKinley was 
persuaded by Cowen to use his influence in behalf of McComas in 
a quiet way, but it was effective just the same. Notwithstanding 
all these powerful elements behind him McComas was chosen 
only after a seven days' fight, during which 10 ballots were taken. 
The first ballot was like this : 

McComas, 34 ; Shaw, 1 1 ; Parran, 6 ; Shryock, 3 ; Barber, 6 ; 
Findlay, 2 ; MuUikin, i ; Lowndes, i ; Urner, i ; Gorman 42 ; 
Henry Page, i. 

William F. Applegarth was the only Democrat who did not 
vote for Gorman, casting his ballot for Henry Page. 

While the fighting was going on the Malster Republicans were 
endeavoring to persuade the Democrats to join with them in 
electing Mr Malster, while the Democratic leaders were equally 
anxious to have the Republicans come in and help elect Mr. Gor- 
man. Once or twice the hand to elect Gorman had been framed 
up, but it was found impossible to carry it through. At one time 
Shaw's friends offered to have him withdraw from the fight if 
McComas, too, would get out. This proposition was promptly de- 
clined by McComas, and on January 24 a caucus was held, the 
Malster Republicans being finally induced to go in, and McComas 
was nominated. The next day, while the Legislature was in joint 
session, preparing to ballot, John Wirt Randall, of Anne Arundel 
county, in nominating McComas, made a particularly violent and 
abusive attack on Mr Gorman. His language so angered and in- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 237 

flamed the Democrats of the Legislature that they could scarcely 
restrain themselves. Austin L. Crothers, John Walter Smith, 
Joshua W. Hering, William B. Clagett and other leading Demo- 
cratic Senators were intensely indignant and, leaving their seats, 
rushed to the Republican side and avowed their willingness to 
join with the Malster Republicans in electing Mr. Malster Sena- 
tor. The Malster people would have grabbed at this the day be- 
fore, but it was too late now, as McComas had the votes and was 
elected. 

Members of that Legislature, however, still remember the speech 
of Mr. Randall and there has rarely been more bitterness shown 
in the General Assembly than was created that day by him. At 
this session United States Senator John Walter Smith was the 
Democratic floor leader in the Senate, and Governor Crothers 
represented Cecil county, having succeeded his brother, the late 
Charles C. Crothers. 

The complete personnel of the two branches was as follows: 

THE SENATE 

Allegany County — David E. Dick. 
Anne Arundel— J. Wirt Randall. 
Baltimore City — 

First District — Gustavus A. Dobler. 

Second District — Lewis Putzel. 

Third District — Frank S. Strobridge. 
Baltimore County — D. Hopper Emory. 
Calvert— Charles L. Marsh. 
Caroline — Robert M. Messick. 
Cecil — Austin L. Crothers. 
Charles — George T. C. Gray. 
Carroll — Joshua W. Hering. 
Dorchester — William F. Applegarth. 
Frederick— Frank C. Norwood. 
Garrett — Robert A. Ravenscroft. 
Harford — Stevenson A. Williams. 
Howard — George D. Day. 
Kent — Charles T. Westcott. 
Montgomery — William Veers Bouic, Jr. 



238 THE STORY OF MARYLAJ^D POLITICS. 

Prince George's— William B. Clagett. 

Somerset — A. Lincoln Dryden. 

St. Mary's — Washington Wilkinson. 

Talbot — Henry Clay Dodson. 

Worcester — John Walter Smith. 

Queen Anne's — Woodland P. Finley. 

Washington— Norman B. Scott, Jr. 

Wicomico — Elihu E. Jackson. 

Allegany — James Campbell, Mathew Rowe, John B. Robinette, 
John Leake, Charles H. Brandler. 

Anne Arundel — Bruner R. Anderson, B. Allen Welch, Peter 
Potee, Hugh R. Riley. 

Baltimore County — John S. Wilson, Edward S. W. Choate, 
Harry Malcolm, Henry W. Knoebel, John B. Foard, Joseph 
Sandman. 

Baltimore City — (First District)— Chauncey T. Scudder, 
Thomas A. Robinson, William F. Pentz, Emanuel H. Jacobi, 
Aquilla A. Baldwin, Frank H. Quast. 

(Second District) — Charles M. Short, W. Baltzell Jenkins, Ed- 
ward De Lacour, Oscar L. Quinlan, Upton S. Gosnell, Henry J. 
Halbert. 

(Third District) — Philip H. Lenderking, Edward F. Tolson, 
William J. James, Louis Schaefer, Benjamin L. Turner, Charles 
R. Schirm. 

Calvert — Abraham J. Williams, James C. Chaney. 

Caroline — Charles H. Todd, George T. Redden. 

Carroll— Milton M. Norris, James W. Taylor, Daniel J. Hes- 
son, Alpheus Stansbury. 

Cecil — John S. Wirt, Wilmer D. Thompson, John H. Jenness. 

Charles — James De B. Walbach, F. Albert Hicks. 

Dorchester — Alonzo L. Miles, Charles W. Hackett, Benjamin 
J. Linthicum. 

Frederick — John R. Rouzer, Thomas Hightman, E. Elmer 
Harn, J. Frank Butts, Harry E. Chapline. 

Garrett — George W. Moon, William H. Jacobs. 

Harford— Herman W. Hanson, T. Littleton Hanway, William 
M. Whiteford, Robert Seneca. 

Howard — E. Green Selby, Grosvenor Hanson. 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND TOLITICS. 239 

Kent — Enoch G. Clark, George E. Noland. 

Montgomery — Ashley M. Gould, James E. Ayton, George M. 
Anderson. 

Prince George's — George S. Dove, Robinson White, Thomas 
M. Underwood. 

Queen Anne's — William J. Price, Jr., Eugene L. Dudley, S. Col- 
lins Wright. 

Somerset— Amos L. Dougherty, Isaac P. Dryden, Maurice N. 
Carew. 

St. Mary's — Perry Hayden, John S. Jones. 

Talbot — Hiram S. Hall, Levin H. Tull, Edward Woodall. 

Washington — Lewis D. Syester, B. Abner Betts, Newton E. 
Funkhouser, Harvey S. Bomberger. 

Wicomico — John E. Taylor, Minos A. Davis, John W. P. Insley 

Worcester — Calvin B. Taylor, Lloyd Wilkinson, J. Edward 
White. 

There were many exciting incidents at this session and some 
important work done. It was at this session that Mr. Mudd char- 
acterized a certain prominent and corrupt member of the 
Legislature as a man who "would not stay bought." The 
attempt to reorganize the police force of the city and take out of 
the hands of the Legislature the appointment of the Commis- 
sioners failed. Senator Crothers introduced the bill and suc- 
ceeded in passing it through the Senate, but it was killed in the 
House. When the Legislature finally adjourned it was a wel- 
come relief to the people of Maryland. The disgraceful doings 
of the session were denounced in all the newspapers and are still 
fresh in the minds of those who were there. It helped to give 
the Lowndes administration a black eye, although the Governor 
was in no way responsible for it and did his best to check and 
restrain the party people. The record of the Republican party 
at this session, together with the record of the Malster adminis- 
tration in the city, rendered it comparatively easy for the Demo- 
crats to sweep the city and state in the next election. 

One thing more that the Legislature of 1898 did that must not 
be forgotten was the enactment of the Reform League Election 
law, which remained in force until 1901, when the present Elec- 
tion law was enacted at the special session of that year. The Re- 



240 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

form League law, however, did not, as has been sometimes stated, 
give Maryland for the first time the Australian ballot. The first 
Australian ballot law for this State was enacted at the session of 
1890, and its history forms an interesting story, as it has a con- 
nection with the Archer defalcation. The man who discovered 
and brought to light the defalcation of Mr. Archer was Douglas 
H. Thomas, president of the Merchants' National Bank. It was 
on December 19, 1888, that Mr. Archer borrowed $3,000 from 
Mr. Thomas' bank, giving him as security Frederick City 4 per 
cent, bonds. This loan was renewed by Mr. Archer several times, 
but no suspicion that they were State bonds had entered the 
mind of Mr Thomas. In the campaign of 1889 Mr. Thomas, with 
Judge William A. Fisher and Mr. John E. Hurst were named a 
committee by the Business Men's Democratic Association to pre- 
pare an Australian ballot law for introduction in the Legislature, 
there being an insistent demand for the enactment of such a law. 
About this time Mr. Thomas learned that Mr. Archer had ob- 
tained loans from several other local banks, depositing Treasury 
Relief of Frederick City bonds ; and he knew, too, that when he 
examined the State Securities at the Safe Deposit Company he al- 
ways went alone. At the request of the bank Mr. Archer repaid 
the loan of $3,000. Mr. Thomas then, with his suspicions fully 
aroused started an investigation, with the result that he soon con- 
vinced himself that there had been a defalcation and that the bonds 
deposited by Mr. Archer with his bank were State bonds. In the 
meantime the Australian Ballot law prepared by the committee 
had been introduced in the Legislature. On February 25, 1890, 
Mr. Thomas sent for Gen. L. Victor Baughman, the State Comp- 
troller, and laid before him what he knew concerning Mr Archer. 
General Baughman was unable to believe it, but promised Mr. 
Thomas he would make an investigation, and at his request prom- 
ised to give him the numbers of the Frederick City bonds, so they 
could be identified. General Baughman gave some intimation of 
what he had heard to Mr. Archer, and Mr. Archer threw him 
completely off the track by handing him his keys and telling him 
to go to the Safe Deposit Company and count the securities him- 
self. Mr. Thomas heard nothing from General Baughman for 
some time, but continued his investigation, finally got the num- 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 241 

bers of the bonds and found them to be identical. This gave him 
the absolute proof and he then, on March 22, again wrote Baugh- 
man, telling him the facts and stating that if the Comptroller did 
not take it up he felt it his duty to lay the whole matter before 
the Governor. 

While this had been going on the Australian Ballot law pre- 
pared by the Business Men's Committee had been sidetracked 
in the Senate and a bill drawn by Mr. John P. Poe that was by no 
means satisfactory substituted. After General Baughman had 
communicated the facts given him by Mr. Thomas to the Gover- 
nor and the exposure had come, he went to Mr. Thomas and told 
him "This thing is going to ruin the party." 

"It will, of course," said Mr. Thomas, "hurt a great deal ; but 
there is one thing you can do at Annapolis that will go a long 
way toward nullifying the effect of this. Why don't you get the 
people down there to drop this bill of Mr. Poe's and pass the Aus- 
tralian Ballot law prepared by the Business Men's Committee?" 

General Baughman saw the force of this and upon his return to 
Annapolis exerted his efforts in that direction, with the result that 
the bill passed. It was signed by Governor Jackson and became 
a law. The bill was really drawn by Judge Fisher, but had it not 
been for the Archer defalcation and the necessity of doing some- 
thing to counteract its effect it would not have passed until some 
years later. 

The Reform League Election law, adopted at the session of 
1898, was one of the pledges in the platform of the Republicans 
and its chief advocate was Mr. Charles J. Bonaparte. The credit 
of drawing it has largely been given to Mr. Roger W. Cull. 

In the fall of 1898 the Democrats began to recover from their 
depressed condition and broke the solid Republican delegation to 
Congress by electing two Democrats — John Walter Smith and 
James W. Denny. The other four, however, continued to be Re- 
publicans and the party was a long way from on its feet. The 
Congressmen elected at this time were : 

First District — John Walter Smith. 

Second District — William B. Baker. 

Third District— Frank C. Wachter. 

Fourth District — James W. Denny. 



242 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Fifth District— Sydney E. Mudd. 
Sixth District— George A. Pearre. 

This brings the story up to the reorganization of the Demo- 
cratic party and the election of Hayes and Smith. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 



How Thomas G. Hayes Became Mayor and Features of the 
Hayes Administration. 



One day early in the spring of 1899, Mr Rasin sat in his office 
in the old Law Building. There were with him his son, Carroll 
W. Rasin, and his faithful follower, George N. Lewis. Suddenly 
"the Old Man" got up and put on his overcoat. "I'm going up 
to Governor Brown's office, Carroll," he said. "H Billy Porter 
comes in tell him to wait till I come back," and he walked out. 

He was gone about two hours. When he returned, he found 
Mr. Porter, "Bob" Padgett, and several other of the "regulars" 
sitting around. Immediately the "Old Man" began to talk. 

"This party is in bad shape, understand. Something has got 
to be done. I am going to keep hands off, and neither Gorman 
nor any one else is going to force me to bear the brunt of this 
fight. If I bring out a man for Mayor the newspapers will howl 
right away, 'Rasin, Rasin.' I'm getting tired of it. I'm going to 
wash my hands of the whole business. Let the rest of these fel- 
lows get their candidate. I'll support any Democrat who can win, 
but I'm not going to have this thing on my shoulders." 

This and much more along the same line was absorbed by those 
to whom he spoke and, as Mr. Rasin knew, it would be taken out 
on the street and spread. 

The newspapers the next morning contained a hot interview 
from ex-Governor Brown calling upon the Democrats of Balti- 
more to get together with a view of redeeming- the city from Re- 
publican misrule and particularly appealing to the business inter- 
ests to arouse to the importance of the issues. This interview 
was followed up by others, the idea of "a people's campaign" 
caught on and the Brown enthusiasm was contagious. Eventu- 
ally it culminated in the organization on March 2, of the "Demo- 

24;i 



-^1 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

cratic Association of Baltimore City," with officers as follows : 

President — Frank Brown. 

Vice-Presidents — Douglas H. Thomas, A. Leo Knott, James 
Bond. 

Secretaries— John Pleasants, J. Clarence Bowerman. 

Executive Committee — Charles D. Fisher, Skipwith Wilmer, 
John B. Biemiller, John Hinkley, F. H. M. Birckhead, George 
Blakistone, James R. Wheeler, George Savage, Frederick H. 
Gottlieb, Charles A. Webb, W. N. Smith, B. Maitland, Bartlett S. 
Johnston, Thomas S. Baer, William A. Boykin, Frank N. Hoen, 
Leigh Bonsai, Robert Grain, Josiah L. Blackwell, Sherlock Swann, 
Charles H. Dickey, Joseph Friedenwald, E. N. Rich, J. M. Mar- 
shall, John Pleasants, Olin Bryan, J. Seth Hopkins, W. Shepard 
Bryan, Archibald H. Taylor, Dr. Frank Slingluff, S. Johnson 
Poe, Conway W. Sams, C. Baker Clotworthy, W. Cabell Bruce, 
Alonzo L. Miles, Isaac Lobe Straus, Frederick M. Colston, Ralph 
Robinson, T. K. Stewart, A. N. Bastable, Edward Brady, Sr. 

The association organized with 2,500 members. Brown was, 
of course, its inspiration and leader. He and Mr. Rasin were in 
constant communication and the closest touch. It was Rasin who 
pulled the strings and with hidden hand steered the association. 
What he wanted was a Mayoralty candidate who would win, and 
■he realized that it would be impossible to elect any man known as 
a Rasin man or who, no matter how independent, was known to 
have been brought out and nominated by Rasin. If Henry Williams 
could not be elected under these circumstances then no one could 
and he had failed twice with him. After looking thoroughly over 
the field, Rasin came to the conclusion that the logical and best 
man to name would be Thomas G. Hayes. He felt that Hayes 
was Gorman's enemy and not his, and while he would have pre- 
ferred almost any one else, he felt that it was necessary to nomi- 
nate Hayes to win. He was a little afraid, however, that Gorman, 
with Hayes' denunciation of him in 1895 still fresh in his mind, 
might secretly oppose the ticket in the same effective manner in 
which he had aided in the defeat of the old judges in 1882. Ac- 
cordingly, William F. Porter was sent over to Washington to talk 
with Senator Gorman about the situation. 

After some desultory conversation, Mr. Gorman said, "It is up 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 245 

to you people in the city to nominate a man who can win." "How 
about Hayes?" asked Mr. Porter. 

"I have no objections to Hayes," was the reply. "Is he qual- 
ified under this new Charter?" 

Mr. Porter assured him that he was and came back to Balti- 
more, reporting to Mr. Rasin. Mr. Rasin had a talk with Gov- 
ernor Brown that night and the next day the Democratic Associa- 
tion of Baltimore City began to sound sentiment as to a Mayor- 
alty candidate. The association was co-operating with the regular 
party organization and its executive committee held joint meetings 
with the ward executives and the Committee of Seven. Mr. Ras- 
in quietly sent the "word" down the line to the executives to re- 
port sentiment in their wards for Hayes. At the meetings of the 
joint committee, the executives reported an overwhelming Hayes 
sentiment all over the city. 

Ex-Governor Brown and Mr. Hayes had a satisfactory talk, 
with the result that Hayes became a candidate in the primaries 
with the support of the Democratic Asociation. Gen. F. C. La- 
trobe was also a candidate in the primaries, and Rasin kept his 
hand so well concealed that it was found impossible to make him 
an issue in the fight. Through the influence of Governor Brown, 
Skipwith Wilmer was induced to accept the nomination for Pres- 
ident of the Second Branch City Council and James H. Smith be- 
came the candidate for Comptroller. In addition to this an excep- 
tionally strong Councilmanic ticket was put up, and from start 
to finish no stone was left unturned by the Democratic manage- 
ment to win. 

This was the first spring election — the first trial of the new 
Charter, and the people, outside of the politicians, showed a more 
genuine interest in the fight than for many years. The Democrats 
had been out in the cold for four years, and were eager to regain 
control of the city government. The Malster administration, with 
its political pirates and negro office-holders, had pretty well dis- 
gusted the public, and the election was one-sided, the Democratic 
ticket sweeping the city by 12,000. This was the year George 
Stewart Brown broke into politics, being elected to the First 
Branch City Council from the Eleventh ward, and it was also in 
this campaign that Major Richard M. Venable was elected to the 



246 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Second Branch, where he served four years, his Councilmanic 
career being distinguished chiefly by the number and fury of his 
clashes with the Mayor. 

The personnel of the City Council elected that year was as fol- 
lows: 

FIRST BRANCH. 

I St Ward. — Albert M. Sproesser. 
2nd Ward. — Thomas Sudler. 
3rd Ward.— Lewis H. Miller. 
4th Ward. — Charles R. Lamm. 
5th Ward. — John H. Horst. 
6th Ward.— Albert M. Touchton. 
7th Ward. — George C. Miller. 
8th Ward. — Andrew J. Preller. 
9th Ward.— George P. Reinhart. 
loth Ward.— F. X. Donnelly, 
nth Ward. — John T. Couglar. 
I2th Ward. — W. Starr Gephart. 
13th Ward. — George Stewart Brown. 
14th Ward. — Hiram Watty. 
15th Ward.— Bushrod M. Watts. 
i6th Ward. — Edward C. Wilson. 
17th Ward. — John T. Ford. 
1 8th Ward.— Evan H. Morgan. 
19th Ward. — Joseph T. Steinacker. 
20th Ward. — Frederick Megenhardt. 
2ist Ward.— Jacob D. Norris. 
22nd Ward. — George W. Howser. 
23rd Ward. — William Grecht. 
24th Ward. — John P. Galvin. 

SECOND BRANCH. 

First District. — Louis A. Dieter and John Hubert. 
Second District. — John Moylan and James B. Guyton. 
Third District.— Richard N. Venable and Moses N. Frank. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 247 

Fourth District. — Harry F. Lindeman and Dr. J. G. Linthicum, 

The campaign in the city was managed by the Committee of 
Seven, which continued through several campaigns and was com- 
posed of James P. Gorter, chairman; WiUiam F. Porter, secre- 
tary, and Messrs. Henry Williams, Charles W. Field, James W. 
Denny, George Warfield, John B. Schwatka and William B. 
Burch. Every member of this committee later obtained a political 
position, although at the time of their appointment none of them 
was holding office. In the campaign the Democratic ticket had 
the support of the business element as well as the independent 
element, and the carefully laid plans of Mr. Rasin went through 
without a hitch. The State Democratic leaders lent what aid they 
could, all of them realizing that victory in the city in May meant 
victory in the State in November, and the result brought joy to 
Democrats in all sections of the State, who foresaw the triumph- 
ant return of their party to full power. 

After the election of Hayes, however, joy turned to conster- 
nation in the Rasin camp, and as soon as the Green Bag was an- 
nounced diplomatic relations were at once and forever severed 
between Hayes and Rasin. Rasin believed he had reason to think 
Hayes would give him what he considered his fair share of the 
city patronage. Hayes had been his personal counsel in the suit 
of the State against him for return of the interest money retained 
by him while Clerk of the Court, and Governor Brown had given 
him assurances that Hayes' attitude would be satisfactory to the 
organization on matters of appointments. The appointment of 
James P. Gorter as City Collector and of Edward D. Preston as 
Building Inspector were satisfactory to Mr. Rasin, but that was 
about all the comfort he could get. 

Mr. Hayes started in to make a record for absolute independ- 
ence and incidentally to build up on the City Hall patronage a 
Hayes machine. James T. Doyle, whom he named as Warden of 
the Jail, was his political agent, and it was Doyle who was at the 
head of the "Kitchen Cabinet" of the Hayes administration, other 
members of which included John H. Sirich, "Sol" Freburger and 
S. H. Randall. 

Except for the two named, Mr. Hayes absolutely ignored Rasin 



248 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

in the selection of heads of departments, and so far as the subordi- 
nate places were concerned, if any were given to Rasin men they 
were obtained under false pretenses. Morrison and Mahon and 
Dudley men were recognized, but no Rasin men were permitted 
to light about the City Hall. Hayes vigorously and frequently, 
publicly and privately, denounced Rasin, applying all manner of 
harsh epithets to him, and his very name being the signal for an 
outburst on his part. The Mayor deliberately cut himself loose 
from Rasin and the organization, and through Doyle began the 
establishment in each ward of a Hayes organization of his own, 
looking toward his own renomination and election. When Hayes 
became Mayor the City Hall from top to bottom was filled with 
Republicans placed in office during the administrations of Hooper 
and Malster. This gave to him many more appointments than 
would have come to a Democratic Mayor following a Democratic 
Mayor and enlarged his opportunity of building a Hayes 
machine. 

Mr. Rasin saw the game Mr. Hayes was playing and he was 
wont to sit in his office and curse him fervently by the hour. It 
was about the only fun he had at that time. Without patronage 
or power to reward his friends, repudiated by the Mayor, and 
with every effort being made by the administration politicians to 
wean from him his friends and weaken him generally, it was re- 
markable that Rasin through the four years of Republican rule 
and the four years of the Hayes administration, in which he got 
even less, should have retained his dominance of the organization 
in the city. Yet there was at no time even a sign of his grip re- 
laxing. More than this, he actually went into the Hayes camp 
and stole back from him the very men Hayes had given places in 
the belief that he had converted Rasin men into Hayes men. 

A notable instance of this was the case of Daniel J. Loden, who 
has been police justice at the Western Police Station since 1902. 
Loden was given a place in the office of the Commissioner of 
Opening Streets by Mayor Hayes, and with his natural aptness 
for politics and his following in his ward he soon became a factor 
in the Hayes "Kitchen Cabinet." He was taken into the intimate 
circle with James T. Doyle, John H. Sirich, "Sol." Freburger and 
William P. Ryan, who was secretary to the Mayor and one of the 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 249 

best men in the whole Hayes administration. He became one 
of the Hayes political advisers. Underneath he was a through 
and through Rasin man. He would spend the day at the City 
Hall working his friends into places in the Water Department, 
through Doyle, and at night would slip into Mr. Rasin's house, 
at the corner of Calvert and Chase streets, and there retail to the 
"Old Man" the inside of the Hayes administration, its political 
plans and movements. 

It is needless to say that every place made under the Hayes ad- 
ministration by Loden — and they were numerous — went to a 
Rasin man. He honeycombed the Water Department with them 
and it was nearly two years before Hayes and Doyle awoke to 
the real situation so far as Loden was concerned. 

The Hayes administration from the start was a tempestuous 
one. No one can deny that Hayes made a good Mayor — per- 
haps the best the city has ever had in some ways. He knew mu- 
nicipal affairs thoroughly and his method of dealing with munici- 
pal problems was straight, forceful and honest. He gave the city 
a good, business administration, which will always stand to his 
credit, and the personnel of his important appointments, except 
in one or two instances, was high. He played personal politics 
with his minor patronage and he surrounded himself by some men 
who did him little good, but he did not permit personal or any 
other sort of politics to interfere with the business of the city, and 
he held the reins of government with a firm, strong hand. His 
administration was somewhat marred by the continuous wrang- 
ling between him and the City Council and by his quarrels with 
various prominent citizens who called upon him at the City Hall. 
Among those whom he offended during his term of office might 
be mentioned Major Venable, George Stewart Brown and Wil- 
liam Shepard Bryan, Jr. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



The Regaining of the State Through the Election of John Walter 
Smith as Governor. 



The efforts of the militant and tempestuous Mr. Hayes to put 
Mr. Rasin out of business by throwing his friends out of the 
City Hall, while mightily hurting the feelings of the city boss, 
did much to restore confidence in the Democratic party and 
bring back to the fold those Democrats who had bolted the ticket 
in 1895. It likewise strengthened the chances of the party in 
the fall campaign, which, of course, was the more vital fight. 
Rasin cursed violently about his treatment, and his followers 
clung loyally to him, but an anti-Rasin Mayor was a novelty to 
the people, and they appeared to like it. It made it all the more 
necessary for Mr. Rasin to regain through a Democrat Governor 
something of the prestige and power he had lost. 

Early in June he and Senator Gorman had a conference in 
Baltimore. Edwin Warfield had announced his candidacy for the 
Gubernatorial nomination and John Walter Smith, of Worcester, 
was already in the field. The name of Judge William A. Fisher 
was again mentioned, and Rasin was inclined toward him, but 
found Mr. Gorman implacably against the Fisher idea. By the 
same token Rasin was equally set against Warfield, whom he 
had never trusted and for whom he felt a personal dislike. Four 
years before Rasin and Gorman were in accord as to the nomina- 
tion of Isidor Rayner for Governor, and had Mr. Rammer not 
flung the flag of defiance in the faces of the bosses he would have 
been named. He scuttled his own ship exactly as did Judge 
Fisher when he made his public attack upon Gorman at the very 
time Barnes Compton was on his way to see him with instruc- 
tions from Gorman to say he was acceptable to the organization 
and would be nominated. The Rayner incident of 1895 is told 

250 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 251 

by Harry Welles Rusk, who was present at a conference held 
between Gorman and Rasin in Gorman's room in the Fifth Ave- 
nue Hotel, New York. 

According to Mr. Rusk, Gorman said at this interview : 

"Freeman, this will have to be a favorite-son convention. It 
looks as if the best thing to do would be in the end to nominate 
this fellow Rayner. You can handle him on appointments, and 
I think it had better be done. What we want, though, is plenty 
of candidates. String the convention along for two or three 
days. We do not want anything cut and dried about this con- 
vention, and these county people must stay over even if we have 
to pay their expenses." 

Mr. Rasin agreed both as to the "favorite son" plan and the 
two or three days' convention, as well as to the advisability of 
nominating Rayner. When Mr. Rasin left New York, Mr. Rusk 
says, it was thoroughly understood that Rayner would be named. 
About a week after that Mr. Rayner hired the Lyric, and in the 
presence of a big multitude denounced the bosses and shouted his 
defiance. Mr. Gorman did not mind this part of it so much as 
he did the fact that the Rayner candidacy and the Rayner meet- 
ing were both apparently being conducted under the auspices of 
his old enemy, William Pinkney Whyte. This simply knocked 
Mr. Rayner's chances into a cocked hat, and as Mr. Rusk says, 
"he beat himself." 

In 1899, however, Rayner was not in the Gubernatorial field, 
and it was Mr. Rasin who put him on the ticket for Attorney- 
General with the view of utilizing his speechmaking abilities in 
the campaign. Gorman made no protest, although he would have 
preferred John P. Poe. Smith and Warfield were allowed to 
contest in the primaries as if it were to be a free-for-all fight, and 
the leaders assumed an attitude of "hands ofif." 

Up to this time Warfield had been more closely identified with 
Gorman, and was known as more of a Gorman man than Smith. 
Conditions were such as to render this a decided handicap, and 
this was one reason why Gorman was disposed to favor Smith 
instead of Warfield in this fight. Rasin did not show his hand 
until the last minute in the city, and the fight there between 
Smith and Warfield was a lively one. Both spoke at many meet- 



252 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

ings in different parts of the city. In the end, however, the local 
organization swung in behind Smith, and he carried the city by 
about 5,000 majority. Warfield in the primaries polled nearly 
13,000 votes, which showed a personal strength with the people 
that had to be reckoned with. 

When Smith carried the city primaries his nomination was 
assured, but the sentiment for Warfield was so strong that the 
leaders deemed it absolutely necessary to have him and his fol- 
lowing enthusiastically for the ticket to win. Mr. Warfield was 
disposed to feel somewhat aggrieved at the lining up 
of the organization against him, and felt that had it kept hands 
off he would have won the nomination. General L. Victor Baugh- 
man was the man who sat up late the night before the 
State Convention with Mr. Warfield at the Maryland Club, and 
finally induced him to agree to go into the convention and place 
John Walter Smith, his erstwhile opponent, in nomination. This 
Mr. Warfield did in a graceful and gracious speech. It has since 
been said — and is believed by many — that this action upon the 
part of Mr. Warfield did more than anything else toward secur- 
ing him the nomination four years later. The convention was 
held on August 2 at Ford's Opera House. This ticket was nomi- 
nated : 

Governor — John Walter Smith. 

Attorney-General — Isidor Rayner. 

Comptroller — Joshua W. Hering. 

With Rayner's oratorical powers and the abilities of Smith 
and Hering as campaigners, it was generally felt that a peculiarly 
strong ticket had been named, and it so proved later. Smith, at 
this time, was both a State Senator and a Congressman. He had 
been elected to the State Senate in 1897, but in 1898 was nomi- 
nated for Congress by the Democrats of the First district to 
oppose Wilbur F. Jackson. He defeated Mr. Jackson, and took 
his seat in Congress on March 4, 1899. Before the winter ses- 
sion, however, he had been nominated and elected Governor, so 
that he was practically State Senator, Congressman and Gov- 
ernor all at one time. 

The big feature of the Republican campaign of this year was 
the violent outbreak of Senator Wellington, who, feeling that 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 253 

he had been tricked and "sold out," came forth openly predicting 
the defeat of his party, denouncing and repudiating Lowndes, 
and accusing John K. Cowen and S. Davies Warfield of having 
framed up a hand that would wreck the Republican party in the 
State. His resignation as chairman of the committee was a body 
blow to the Lowndes candidacy, as his ability and boldness as a 
leader are conceded even by his enemies. By those who were 
on the inside of that incident, it is said that Louis E. McComas 
was mainly responsible for the situation that brought about the 
break. 

The Republican State Convention was held on September 6 
at the Academy of Music, and this ticket named : 

Governor — Lloyd Lowndes. 

Attorney-General — John V. L. Findlay. 

Comptroller — Phillips Lee Goldsborough. 

Senator Wellington called the convention to order, and Mr. 
S. A. Williams, of Harford county, presided. Lowndes was 
placed in nomination in an eloquent speech by George A. Pearre, 
and was nominated by acclamation. Everything was as harmoni- 
ous as could be desired, and the Republican clans seemed united. 
Then on September 20 a meeting of the State Central Committee 
was held, at which Congressman Mudd fathered a resolution ap- 
pointing a special finance committee to handle the funds during 
the campaign and to perform various other functions. Senator 
Wellington, as chairman of the committee, bitterly resented these 
resolutions, construing them as a direct slap at him. He de- 
nounced McComas and Mudd, declared he had been "sold out," 
and that Lowndes was responsible. In a public statement he 
declared "the committee by adopting these resolutions insures 
the defeat of the Republican party. Instead of writing letters of 
acceptance the candidates had better write letters withdrawing 
from the ticket." Mr. Wellington followed this up the next day 
by refusing to serve as chairman of the committee, and by an- 
nouncing that he would retire to private life, and not be a candi- 
date to succeed himself in the Senate. 

"I am done with Lowndes," he said. "I am done with him 
forever, and the result this fall will be sufficient chastisement to 
him and his fellow-conspirators. Warfield and Cowen are re- 



254 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

sponsible for this situation. They framed the resolutions and 
have wrecked the Republican party." 

It is said by those who know that Wellington saw in the resolu- 
tions the effort upon the part of McComas backed by John K. 
Cowen and S. Davies Warfield to oust him from the leadership 
of his party and to supplant him in the Senate with Lowndes. 
His denunciation of Lowndes, McComas and the others was a 
bombshell in the Republican ranks, and for a while created con- 
sternation. It took some weeks for the other leaders to recover, 
but when they did, Thomas J. Shryock was made chairman of 
the State Committee in place of Wellington. Roosevelt, then 
Governor of New York, came to Maryland at the earnest request 
of the local Republicans, and made a big speech at the Lyric, 
with Mr. Bonaparte and Attorney-General George R. Gaither. 
The Republicans fought hard, but the tide was against them. 
The Sun, while not editorially supporting the Democratic ticket, 
gave the party candidates help in its news columns, and it was in 
this campaign that the negro issue was first raised in Maryland. 
The Sun sent Judge T. J. C. Williams into Southern Maryland 
and the Eastern Shore, from the counties of which he sent a 
series of strong letters showing the domination of the black vote 
in these sections. The Sun christened these lower counties the 
"Black Belt," and the Democratic orators made effective use 
of the issue. 

The business men of Baltimore came strongly to the aid of 
the ticket, and hundreds of the most prominent merchants and 
lawyers of the city, who had voted for Lowndes in 1895, openly 
declared for Smith. Colonel Smith made his own campaign, vis- 
iting every county in the State and proving himself a splendid 
campaigner. He made votes wherever he got a chance to meet 
the people, and as the campaign closed all doubt of his election 
disappeared. He carried the city by about 8,000 and the coun- 
ties by about 6,000. 

The Legislature elected with him was Democratic by an over- 
whelming majority. Its complete personnel was as follows: 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 255 

SENATE. 

Allegany — David E. Dick, Republican. 

Anne Arundel — Elijah Williams, Democrat. 

Baltimore City — (First District) — Jacob M. Moses, Democrat. 
(Second District) — Lewis Putzel, Republican. (Third District) 
— Olin Bryan, Democrat. 

Baltimore County — John Hubner, Democrat. 

Caroline — Robert M. Messick, Republican. 

Calvert — Charles L. Marsh, Republican. 

Carroll — Johnzie E. Beasman, Democrat. 

Cecil — Austin L. Crothers, Democrat. 

Charles — George T. C. Gray, Republican. 

Dorchester — Wm. F. Applegarth, Democrat. 

Frederick — Jacob Rohrback, Democrat. 

Garrett — Robert A. Ravenscroft, Republican. 

Harford — Stevenson A. Williams, Republican. 

Howard — Wiliam B. Peter, Democrat. 

Kent — James B. Baker, Republican. 

Montgomery — William Viers Bouic, Jr., Democrat. 

Prince George's — William B. Clagett, Democrat. 

Queen Anne's — James E. Kirwan, Democrat. 

St. Mary's — Washington Wilkinson, Republican. 

Somerset — Lemuel E. P. Dennis, Republican. 

Talbot — Henry Clay Dodson, Republican. 

Washington — D. Abner Betts, Democrat. 

Wicomico — Marion V. Brewington, Democrat. 

Worcester — John P. Moore, Democrat. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany — Albert Frenzel, Joseph Radcliffe, William Close, 
J. H. Critchfield, T. Earl Graflf, Republicans. 

Anne Arundel — Milton Ditty, J. Frank Krems, Byron Phelps, 
James D. Feldmeyer, Republicans. 

Baltimore City — (First Legislative District) — Harold B. 
Scrimger, Christopher J. Dunn, Frank J. Gately, George L. 
Brown, August C. Mencke, Forrest Bramble, Democrats. 



256 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

(Second Legislative District) — A. Leo Knott, Martin Leh- 
mayer, F. C. Latrobe, John L. Sanford, Francis P. Curtis, Wil- 
liam Duncan, Democrats. 

(Third Legislative District)—©. C. Martenet, Charles E. Sieg- 
mund, William L. Cover, A. J. Robinson, John Real, William A. 
Johnson, Democrats. 

Baltimore County — E. S. W. Choate, Redmond C. Stewart, 
George W. Truitt, Henry P. Mann, Joseph Sandman, Joseph 
Jeffers, Democrats. 

Calvert — Oliver D. Simmons, Samuel L. Gibson, Republicans. 

Caroline — Calvin Satterfield, J. Frank Lednum, Democrats. 

Carroll— E. M. Anderson, Milton M. Norris, S. H. Hoffacker, 
Michael E. Walsh, Democrats. 

Cecil — Frank H. Mackie, Samuel H. Keys, John H. Kimble, 
Democrats. 

Charles — J. DeB. Walbach, S. S. Lancaster, Republicans. 

Dorchester — Francis P. Corkran, B. J. Linthicum, Democrats; 
Joseph B. Andrews, Republican. 

Frederick — Simeon L. Bast, Daniel P. Buckey, Charles C. 
Waters, Samuel R. Brown, William H. Lakin, Democrats. 

Garrett — M. Wilson, Patrick E. Finzell, Republicans. 

Harford — Noble L. Mitchell, Howard Proctor, William B. 
Hopkins, James W. Foster, Democrats. 

Howard — Humphrey D. Wolfe, Grosvenor Hanson, Demo- 
crats. 

Kent — A. M. Kendall, C. Preston Norris, Republicans. 

Montgomery — Oliver H. P. Clark, James E. Deets, Josiah J. 
Hutton, Democrats. 

Prince George's — George B. Merrick, Clay D. Perkins, John 
B. Contee, Republicans. 

Queen Anne's — Eugene L. Dudley, John T. Norman, William 
D. Smith, Democrats. 

Somerset — William E. Ward, Walter W. Dryden, Henry C. 
Disharoon, Republicans. 

St. Mary's— Francis V. King, John R. Garner, Democrats. 

Talbot— William Collins, William C. Dudley, William Willis, 
Democrats. 

Washington— Albert J. Long, Daniel H. Staley, Democrats; 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 257 

Charles G. Biggs, Joseph W. Wolfinger, Republicans. 

Wicomico — Jonathan H. Walker, Thomas S. Roberts, Isaac 
B. Bennett, Democrats. 

Worcester — Lloyd Wilkinson, Henry J. Anderson, Charles F. 
Truitt, Democrats. 

Lloyd Wilkinson was Speaker of the House, John Hubner 
President of the Senate, and Austin L. Crothers chairman of the 
Senate Finance Committee and the Democratic floor leader. It 
was at this session that an additional State Senator and six addi- 
tional members of the House were given to Baltimore city. A 
constitutional amendment creating a fourth legislative district 
was passed by the Legislature and ratified by the people at the 
election of 1901. In the House were a number of strong men 
like A. Leo Knott, Gen. F. C. Latrobe, Martin Lehmayer and 
others who helped to make the city delegation of that session 
more forceful than it has been since. Credit should be given 
Governor Smith for the Police Reorganization bill that went 
through this Legislature. At the two preceding sessions it had 
failed and the efforts of the politicians to prevent the appoint- 
ment of the commissioners from being taken out of the hands of 
the Legislature and lodged with the Governor were successful. 
It was due to Smith's influence that this bill went through in 
1900, and that an end was brought to the political dickering and 
log pulling that had for years characterized the selection of the 
Police Board. 

Soon after Smith was elected Rasin began to have trouble 
with him over appointments, although not in the same way he 
had with Hayes. There was no open hostility between them, and 
Smith stood by the organization in the city as well as the State. 
The trouble, as Rasin saw it, was that Smith insisted upon mak- 
ing personal selections for big city offices which, in Mr. Rasin's 
judgment, he should have left entirely in his hands Governor 
Smith did not see it that way, and his boards in the city grieved 
the "Old Man" greatly. The difference between Smith and 
Hayes was that Smith gave Rasin something but not everything, 
while Hayes gave him nothing at all. Mr. Rasin dealt differently 
with the two men. Hayes he openly cursed and reviled. His 
grievance against Smith he buried deep in his heart, determined 



258 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

to even up matters when the time came, but so long- as Smith was 
Governor to get all he could. 

Governor Smith's first appointment was that of Wilfred Bate- 
man, of Talbot county, as Secretary of State. No better Demo- 
crat, more loyal friend or more lovable man could have been 
found. He popularized the office to an unusual extent, and when 
he died was mourned by friends all over Maryland. 

It was in the Police and Liquor License Boards, however, that 
Mr. Rasin was chiefly disappointed. Governor Smith made his 
personal friend from Worcester county, George M. Upshur, 
president of the Police Board, and he appointed John T. Morris 
as the second Democrat, chiefly because of Senator Gorman, 
whose friend he was. Colonel Morris was not antagonistic to 
Mr. Rasin, but had always been closer to Gorman, and Rasin 
felt that he had not been treated properly inasmuch as neither 
Democrat on the board was his own selection. On the Liquor 
License Board Max Ways was appointed by Governor Smith, 
when Mr. Rasin would have preferred someone else. Mr. Ways 
had always been a political friend of John J. Mahon. At this 
time Mr. Rasin and Mr. Mahon were distinctly on the "outs," 
and were engaged in calling each other various sorts of uncom- 
plimentary things. A powerful influence in bringing about the 
selection of Mr. Ways was Mr. W. Lee Carey, of Worcester 
county, and Rasin felt that he had had very little to do with it. 
Then Lloyd Wilkinson, of Worcester, was made Insurance Com- 
missioner and Thomas A. Smith, of Caroline county, was named 
as Labor Statistician. Mr. Smith immediately named as his dep- 
uty Jacob G. Schonfarber, a follower of J. Frank Morrison, and 
a decidedly anti-Rasin man. Robert M. Price, of Queen Anne's 
county, became Fire Marshal, and E. Stanley Toadvin Land 
Commissioner. 

Most of the police magistrates and coroners were named upon 
the direct recommendation of Mr. Rasin, but in looking over 
the field the "Old Man" felt that he had been given the little end 
of the stick and he became very "sore." He kept upon pleasant 
terms with Smith until the end of his term, getting what he could 
in the way of patronage and improving his hand very much when 
the middle of the term appointments were made, but those who 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 259 

knew him well know that it was that first batch of appointments 
that really hurt him, and they know, too, that he carried this 
grievance for four years until he could satisfy himself by knock- 
ing Smith out of the Senatorship. 

Those who saw much of him during the Smith administration 
heard him many times speak of there being "too much Worcester 
county" in the city appointments, and have heard him intimate 
that Smith was trying to build up a machine in the city. It did 
not lessen the "Old Man's" grudge any, either, when he was told 
of an alleged remark made by Governor Smith to the effect that 
Rasin had altogether too much power in the city and that it was 
time to curb him a little. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



Maryland's Part in the Exciting Campaign of 1900. 



Few hotter or more exciting campaigns have occurred in 
Maryland than the one that followed the Legislature of 1900, in 
which Bryan was for the second time a candidate for the Presi- 
dency. Although the fight was one-sided in the end, and the 
Republicans swept the State, electing six Congressmen and all 
of the electors, it was money that told the tale, and if ever the 
State was bought up it was in this fight. 

It was in this campaign that Senator George L. Wellington 
had his famous break with McKinley, and electrified the country 
by coming out for Bryan. It was just prior to this fight that he 
called Senator McComas a liar on the floor of the Senate, and 
his attitude in taking the stump for Bryan, not only in Maryland^ 
but in other States, aroused the most intense feeling. It was in 
this fight that The Sun supported Mr. Bryan and up to within 
two weeks of the election had the fight won. Then it was that 
the late Marcus A. Hanna sent thousands of dollars into the 
State, which, with the other thousands raised by the Honest 
Money League, engineered by S. Davies Warfield, John K. 
Cowen, William Keyser and others simply swamped the Demo- 
crats. The Democrats were absolutely without funds, and the 
whole purchasable vote went to the other side. In spite of this, 
however, Bryan reduced McKinley 's majority in Maryland of 
1896 something like 18,000. In no campaign, either before or 
since, have the Republicans seen or handled as large a campaign 
fund as they had in this campaign. They simply had all the 
money they could spend, and then some. 

So far as Senator Wellington is concerned, there is no shadow 
of a doubt that he was right in his controversy with McKinley, 
although this, perhaps, did not justify the violence of his antag- 
onism. Wellington was an extreme anti-imperialist and was 
strongly opposed to the annexation of the Philippines. He talked 
with McKinley, and the President agreed with his views and 
emphatically told him he was opposed to annexation. Everyone 

260 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 261 

in Washington who knew McKinley well at the time knew that 
this was his attitude, and no one doubts that he expressed himself 
that way to Senator Wellington. Some time after the interview 
McKinley made his trip West, and there encountered the senti- 
ment favorable to annexation. In the West they were wild about 
it, and they so impressed the President that when he came back 
to Washington he was an annexationist, and so announced him- 
self. Wellington immediately publicly recalled that the President 
had told him he was unalterably opposed to the taking in of the 
Philippines, and the President promptly denied that he had ever 
said so. This infuriated Mr. Wellington, who asserted publicly 
that the President had deceived him. Immediately diplomatic re- 
lations between the Maryland Senator and the White House 
ceased and Mr. Wellington became exceedingly bitter. 

It was on September 5, in Cumberland, that Wellington came 
publicly out for Bryan, speaking there with Bryan at a Demo- 
cratic meeting and basing his support upon his belief in "anti- 
imperialism," which the Democratic party had made its para- 
mount issue. Later he spoke at the Lyric in Baltimore, and few 
persons who heard that speech will forget it. It took courag^e 
of a high order for Mr. Wellington to face that great audience, 
in which there were many bitterly hostile Republicans, who re- 
garded him as but one degree removed from Benedict Arnold in 
the magnitude of his treachery. It was a magnificent speech, an 
argument splendidly prepared and delivered with an eloquence 
that swept the vast crowd off its feet and effectually silenced the 
hissing of the Republicans who had gathered to interrupt. 

By McComas, Stone, Goldsborough, Gaither and the other 
Republican leaders Wellington was bitterly denounced. He was 
ignominiously expelled from the Union League Club, and his 
name greeted with hisses at all Republican meetings. This did 
not bother Mr. Wellington very much, however, and he threw 
himself heart and soul into the campaign, speaking in a dozen 
different States and as far west as Nebraska. And then came the 
avalanche and it buried Mr. Wellington politically. At least, he 
has not since figured in either state or national politics, although 
he still is a considerable factor in Allegany county, and the fear 
of his returning to the State arena is never entirely absent from 



262 THE «TORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

the present organization Republican managers. The truth is 
most of them are desperately afraid of Wellington, who is one 
of the few men in the party in Maryland with both the brains and 
the nerve to make a real fight in the party. 

When the preliminary campaign began in Maryland the real 
Bryan people — S. S. Field and the rest — made a desperate effort 
to gain control of the State convention, or at least to force an 
indorsement of the Chicago platform. They went into the city 
primaries for the selection of delegates to the State convention, 
but were easily outgeneraled by Mr, Rasin, who elected his own 
delegation without trouble. Senator Gorman came to the city 
and conceded Bryan's nomination, but intimated that it would be 
better for the delegation to go out to Kansas City uninstructed. 
The convention was held at Ford's Opera House on June 5th, 
and Dr. George Wells, of Anne Arundel county, with one or two 
others, made a hot fight for instructions to the delegates, but the 
Gorman-Rasin control was complete and the Chicago platform 
was ignored, the convention likewise by an overwhelming major- 
ity refusing to tie the hands of the delegates. The rabid Bryan 
men crowded the gallery and made a tremendous amount of noise, 
but they had no votes. The delegates selected were as follows : 

Delegates at Large — John Walter Smith, Murray Vandiver, 
Joshua W. Miles, L. Victor Baughman. 

District Delegates: 

First — J. Benjamin Brown, Jefferson D. Staton. 

Second — B. Frank Crouse, Charles E. Fendall. 

Third — Harry Rountree, E. J. Chaisty. 

Fourth — A. Leo Knott, Martin Lehmayer. 

Fifth— J. Frank Smith, Joseph S. Wilson. 

Sixth — Blair Lee, John Keating. 

The electors were named as follows : 

Electors at Large — John Prentiss Poe, Gilmor S. Hamill. 

District Electors: 

First— P. B. Hopper. 

Second — Joseph H. Steele. 

Third— John S. Hebb. 

Fourth — Albert S. J. Owens. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 263 

Fifth — Mason G. Elzey. 

Sixth — Thomas A. Poffenberger. 

Those who went from Maryland to the national convention 
were largely anti-Bryan, but the Bryan sentiment there over- 
whelmed them, and the anti-Bryanites were simply lost in the 
shuffle. After the nomination Governor Smith, General Baugh- 
man and others gave interviews in support of Bryan, and the 
leaders returned home determined to make the best fight possible, 
but without any real heart for the contest. When The Sun came 
out for the Democratic ticket, however, the silver lining to the 
clouds began to make itself apparent to the leaders, and they 
started in to make a genuine campaign. This was John K. 
Cowen's last political fight in Maryland. He was — in this as in 
all the others in which he took part — the brains of the Republi- X^ 
can campaign. He raised their money and directed their policy 
and personally led the battle. As the real force behind the 
Honest Money League, it was made a tremendous factor, and. 
Cowen's influence gathered to the Republican standard many 
men of character and force in the community who were natural 
Democrats, and who would have remained with their party had 
it not been for him. The last speech of his life was made a few 
days before the election in the Lyric. The meeting was not a 
great success and a large part of the audience was composed of 
employees of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and men from 
the Maryland Steel Company, but the speech was a splendid 
eflFort. 

He dealt largely with The Sun, and was frequently inter- 
rupted by enthusiastic Bryan men who had crept into the meet- 
ing. Each interruption Mr. Cowen turned to his advantage, 
replying to questions so quickly and completely as to confound 
the questioner and compel the applause of the crowd. Mr. Cowen 
never took any interest in politics after this fight, but in this 
one he had his whole heart and soul. Nothing was left undone 
to carry the State for McKinley, and the financial element, which /^ 

regarded the possibility of Bryan's election as a calamity, were 
terribly frightened up to the time Mark Hanna sent in the 
"dough." 

Senator McComas was the ostensible head of the Republican 



264 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

campaign in Maryland at this time. Phillips Lee Goldsborough 
was the State chairman. Stone and Wachter were then fast 
friends. Mudd was just in the zenith of his political career, and 
"Uncle Bill" Jackson was being groomed and urged by the Re- 
publican leaders as a candidate for Congress, it being considered 
desirable to keep Mr. Jackson interested because of his extreme 
liberality in the expenditure of money in a campaign where he 
had a personal stake. Down in the First district the Democrats 
had, at the instance of Governor Smith, nominated John P. 
Moore, of Worcester county, as the Congressional candidate, Ex- 
Gov. Elihu E. Jackson would have liked to have had the nomina- 
tion at the time, and his failure to get it was the cause of the po- 
litical antagonism displayed by him toward Governor Smith 
during the rest of his life. Some say, too, that the break be- 
tween Joshua W. Miles and Governor Smith dates from this 
convention. Governor Smith stood by Senator Moore out of 
friendship and forced his nomination over the heads of some re- 
luctant delegates. It was at this convention that Secretary of 
State Wilfred Bateman, of Talbot county, crossed the Chesapeake 
Bay in an open boat at night from Annapolis to Claiborne in 
order to get to Ocean City in time for the convention so that he 
might aid Governor Smith in his fight to make Moore. 

It was in this campaign, too, that Isaac Lobe Straus made his 
memorable primary fight against Congressman J. F. C. Talbott 
for the Democratic nomination in the Second district. Mr. Straus 
chiefly confined his fight to the city wards in the district, and 
made a vigorous primary campaign. But the link between Mr. 
Rasin and Mr. Talbott was too strong, and the result was defeat 
for Mr. Straus. 

All of the Republican candidates for Congress were elected. In 
every district the Republican committee had from three to five 
times as much money as the Democratic committee, and the fight, 
even in the strongest Democratic districts, was somewhat one- 
sided. There was no Corrupt Practices act then in force, and the 
party with the most money corralled the purchasable vote, which 
is large in every district in the State. The Democrats would have 
bought the votes just as quickly had they had the wherewithal, 
but they did not. 




John Waltkr Smith. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



Why Governor Smith Called the Extra Session of 190 1 — The 
First Step Toward Gorman's Return to the Senate. 



The political feature of the Smith administration was the spe- 
cial session of the Legislature of 1901. Conceived in the fertile 
brain of Senator A. P. Gorman, it was the first step toward his 
return to the United States Senate after a four-year period of en- 
forced retirement. 

Likewise, it was the first move toward the plan for the dis- 
franchisement of the negro voter in Maryland, and the elimi- 
nation of the ignorant and vicious negro as a political factor. 
It was a well-laid plan, well thought out and executed with rare 
political genius. The Democratic forces in the Legislature were 
just sufficient to put the program through. There was not a 
single vote to spare — not the smallest margin for accidents. 
Had one man faltered the whole fabric would have tumbled to 
the ground and calamitous results for the party would have fol- 
lowed. In its boldness and daring the move stands unequaled 
in the history of Maryland politics, and the unwavering firm- 
ness with which he proceeded in the face of danger is a tribute to 
the courage and ability of Mr. Gorman, which even his enemies 
concede. There were critical moments during the fight when had 
there been one weak-kneed or dishonest man in the ranks of 
the 14 Democratic State Senators he could have had a financial 
reward almost unbelievable. The Republicans fought bitterly 
and hard, and stood ready and willing to go to any length to 
break the solidity of the other side. But every man stood true, 
and the whole plan went through as desired by Gorman. 

While the idea itself was Mr. Gorman's, its success was due 
more to Governor Smith than to him. In fact, the whole scheme 
revolved around the Governor. Without him no move could 

265 



266 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

have been made, and had it not been for him after the session was 
called it would have failed in its purpose. The three big results 
of the session were : 

First — To give the State the present Election law, which no 
intelligent man can deny is an improvement over the old style of 
emblem voting. 

Second — To rectify the frauds of the Federal census and accu- 
rately count the population of the State. 

Third — To enact an enabling act under which the present sew- 
erage system in Baltimore is now being constructed. 

Here was the situation when the call was issued : Chiefly 
through Francis V. King, of St. Mary's county, gross and out- 
rageous frauds in the Federal census had been brought to light. 
It was shown that in the Southern Maryland counties of Charles, 
St. Mary's and Calvert dozens of dead men and women had been 
counted, hundreds of names taken from tombstones and the lists 
padded enormously. The result of this, had it stood, would have 
been to increase the representation in the Legislature of these 
lower counties, thus greatly enhancing the political power of 
Sydney E. Mudd, the Republican boss of that section of the 
State, who was also responsible for the appointment of the enu- 
merators, like Joseph Ching and others, who had falsified the 
returns. So violent was the outcry against these frauds that the 
whole State sat up and took notice, and some of Mr. Mudd's 
friends — among them Ching — landed in the penitentiary. Also 
it took considerable maneuvering upon the part of Mr. Mudd to 
avoid serious trouble for himself. 

Then there was the demand in Baltimore for a sewerage sys- 
tem. The tempestuous Mr. Hayes — then Mayor — had failed to 
get through an enabling act in 1900 and the people were aroused 
to the absolute need of Baltimore for sewers. And about this 
time a few advanced and thoughtful men — friends of Senator 
Gorman — had come out in advocacy of a more enlightened ballot 
law that would minimize automatic voting and put some premium 
on intelligence. 

The first talk of an extra session came as a result of a confer- 
ence held in Baltimore, at which were present Senator Gorman, 
Governor Smith, Mayor Hayes, Gen. L. Victor Baughman, Mur- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 267 

ray Vandiver, Joshua W. Miles and one or two others. At this 
conference Hayes urged an extra session because of the necessity 
of a sewerage system. Gorman, Baughman and the others urged 
it because of the census frauds and the needs of a new ballot law. 
On Thursday, January 24, Governor Smith indicated that he 
felt inclined to convene the Legislature in session for these pur- 
poses, but desired to sound public sentiment upon the proposition. 
Ex-Gov. Frank Brown, Frank A. Furst, T. Wallis Blakistone and 
many other leading men came out in interviews urging the Gov- 
ernor to make the call. It was known at this time that it had 
been decided to have an extra session, and daily the call was 
expected. Day after day passed, however, and the Governor 
failed to issue the call. The delay was inexplicable. No one 
could understand it. Governor Smith refused to give reasons, 
and the whole town was given over to speculation. 

Finally the reason came out. There were in all but 15 Demo- 
cratic State Senators. Senator Clagett, of Prince George's 
county, was ill in a sanatorium, and this reduced the number to 
the bare Constitutional majority of 14. In February it became 
known that John P. Moore, Senator from Worcester county, was 
ill at the Hopkins. Without Mr. Moore the Democrats had only 
13 Senators — not enough to enact any bill. Consequently, no 
call could be issued until it was known that Senator Moore would 
be able to be in his seat. Senator Moore was finally found by a 
reporter of The Sun in the Johns Hopkins Hospital, and there 
gave assurances of his ability to attend the session and of his in- 
tention of co-operating with his party. This ended the suspense, 
and on February 13 Governor Smith issued the call for March 6. 

Immediately the Republicans went "up in the air." Upon the 
heads of both Smith and Gorman were heaped unlimited abuse 
and vituperation, and every eflfort was made by not only Repub- 
licans but by the Democratic enemies of Mr. Gorman to obscure 
the real purposes of the session and attribute the whole scheme 
to the sinister motive of sending Mr. Gorman back to the Senate. 
Attempts to side-track the census fraud charges were made, and 
the State resounded with the howls of the distressed Republicans. 

Undaunted by this Gorman went straight ahead with his plans. 
An instance of his attitude is given in a remark made by him one 



268 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

day just before the session convened to Samuel K. Dennis, secre- 
tary for Governor Smith. Gorman was at the Rennert in his 
room upstairs, where he had been holding conferences through- 
out the day, when Mr. Dennis came in. Mr. Gorman was lying 
on a lounge with one of his neuralgic headaches. "Well, Sammy," 
he said, "what is the news today ? What do they say about things, 
anyhow ?" 

"Well, Senator," said Mr. Dennis, "the Republicans are kick- 
ing up a lot of fuss about the proposed State census." 

"They are?" said Mr. Gorman. "Why, what do they see in 
that to object to?" 

"They say," said Mr. Dennis, "that it ought not to be taken 
by Democrats ; that it ought to be a bipartisan census." 

"Well," said the Senator, "they took one census, didn't they? 
Now, then, we will take one. That is bipartisan, isn't it?" 

About the first of March Senator Gorman called the 14 Demo- 
cratic State Senators into conference at the Rennert. To meet 
them he had Mr. John P. Poe, who had prepared a draft of the 
proposed new election law ; General Baughman, Governor Smith, 
Chairman Vandiver and others. He gave them a luncheon in 
one of the private dining-rooms, and then took them across to 
another room, where the new law was submitted to them and 
explained by Mr. Poe. Governor Crothers was one of these Sen- 
ators, and at the conference he expressed himself as opposed to 
the new law, although willing to stand with the rest of his party 
if it were decided upon. The bill was approved in its entirety, 
and Senator Gorman requested those present to regard all that 
had transpired as confidential, and to say nothing that could get 
into the newspapers. The conference was held at night and the 
next morning the newspapers published not only the full text of 
the proposed law, but an almost verbatim account of what each 
Senator had said at the conference. 

The extra session convened on March 6, electing Ferdinand C. 
Latrobe Speaker of the House, and John Hubner President of 
the Senate. Robert J. Padgett became sergeant-at-arms of the 
House of Delegates at the request of Mr. Rasin, and the other 
officials were: 

Readiiifif Clerk — Walter R. Townsend. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 269 

Chief Clerk — Benjamin L. Smith, of Dorchester. 

Journal Clerk — Frederick Sasscer, of Prince George's county. 

The Senate officials included : 

Secretary — Alfred S. Ritter, of Frederick county. 

Reading Clerk — Albert J. Almoney, of Montgomery. 

Journal Clerk — Richard Worthington, of Baltimore city. 

Sergeant-at-Arms — Sydney P. Gump, of Queen Anne's county. 

In the message sent by him to the Legislature upon its assem- 
bling Governor Smith clearly outlined its scope as follows : 

"My official proclamation of February 13 ulto. briefly men- 
tioned the grounds upon which I felt it to be my duty to call you 
to meet in special session and indicated the subjects upon which 
you are desired to act. 

"But it is manifestly proper that I should now submit a more 
particular statement and recommendation of the three most im- 
portant measures which seem to me to demand your consideration 
and for the enactment of which I felt constrained by my sense 
of duty to exercise the power conferred and discharge the duty 
imposed upon me by the Constitution to issue the call for this 
extra session. 

"These three measures are: 

"i. An act providing for an enumeration of our population 
under State authority. 

"2. An act to better preserve the purity of our elections by 
amendments in some vital particulars of our present law regu- 
lating the registration of voters and the manner of holding 
elections. 

"3. An enabling act conferring upon the Mayor and City 
Council of Baltimore full and adequate authority to provide by 
ordinance for the establishment without delay of a proper sewer- 
age system. 

"All of these three measures are urgent. Delay in the enact- 
ment of any one of them is dangerous, and may be productive of 
injurious consequences. 

"Any one of them might well justify the expense and inconve- 
nience of a special session. The combined weight of them all 
was irresistible and left no doubt in my mind that the General 



270 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Assembly should have an immediate opportunity to pass upon 
them." 

Senator Crothers was the Democratic leader in the Senate and 
Lloyd Wilkinson in the House. From the beginning almost until 
the end Senator Gorman stayed in Annapolis, being a guest of 
the Governor at the Executive Mansion, and personally directed 
the fight through its most critical periods. Also there gathered at 
Annapolis county. State and city leaders from every section, and 
the Executive Mansion was their headquarters. In the House, 
where the Democratic margin was larger than it was in the Sen- 
ate, there were several Democratic insurgents, among them 
Garner, of St. Mary's county; John Waller, of Wicomico, and 
John L. Sanford, of Baltimore city, all of whom protested against 
the election law. The bill passed the House by a vote of 56 to 2S 
— five Democrats voting against it — Garner, of St. Mary's; Pat- 
terson, of Dorchester ; Keys, of Cecil ; Buckey and Laken, of 
Frederick. 

The main fight was in the Senate, where the Democrats had 
just 14 members — not one more than necessary to pass their elec- 
tion bill. The fight of the Republicans was splendidly led by S. A. 
Williams, of Harford county, but wild harangues were made by 
David E. Dick and other Republican Senators, some of whom 
talked for three and four hours. Senator Lewis Putzel ably 
seconded Mr. Williams' efforts to beat the bill, and there were 
several times when it looked as if they would be successful. The 
doubtful factor on the Democratic side was State Senator W. F. 
Applegarth, of Dorchester. He had been at the preliminary cau- 
cuses and was apparently straight for the bill, but not one of the 
leaders, from Senator Gorman down, trusted him. Up to the 
last moment there was a feeling of apprehension as to what Sen- 
ator Applegarth might dc, and when on the final passage of the 
bill in the Senate he arose to explain his vote on the measure the 
betting was about even as to whether he would vote for or 
against. When he finally cast his ballot in favor of the bill at 
the close of a long-winded speech, in which he had given no indi- 
cation up to the last word, the Democratic leaders heaved a tre- 
mendous sigh of relief. Their fight had been won. 

The sewerage bill went through later as did the measure pro- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 271 

viding for a new census of Maryland to be taken by the State 
authorities. 

Before these things were accompHshed, however, there were 
some exciting times in Annapolis. The Republican filibuster was 
smothered, and then a revolt upon the part of some Democrats 
like Olin Bryan broke out and had to be quenched. Olin Bryan 
insisted that a primary election law be passed, and the leaders 
declined. There was much fuss over this, as well as over the 
phraseology of the Sewerage act, but these things were finally 
adjusted to the satisfaction of Mayor Hayes, and the session 
came to an end 30 days after it had been convened, with the whole 
program accomplished. 

Close upon the heels of the close of the extra session came the 
Councilmanic election of 1901, in which Hayes was vitally inter- 
ested. He had candidates in the primaries in various wards and 
made a general fight against the Rasin organization. In some 
wards he was successful, in others not, but in the general elec- 
tion so bitter had become the feeling between the Democratic 
factions that the Republicans gained control of the Council and 
carried the city by 2,202, gaining 17 seats in the First Branch 
and four in the Second. The personnel of that Council was as 
follows : 

FIRST BRANCH. 

First Ward — A. M. Touchton, RepubHcan. 
Second — John A. Janetzke, Republican. 
Third — Martin Stuckert, Republican. 
Fourth — Louis D. Greene, Democrat. 
Fifth— L. H. Miller, Republican. 
Sixth— R. M. McClintock, Republican. 
Seventh — George Gebelein, Republican. 
Eighth — William H. Parker, Republican. 
Ninth — Samuel Regester, Democrat. 
Tenth — Terence McMahon, Democrat. 
Eleventh — George Stewart Brown, Democrat. 
Twelfth — W. Starr Gephart, Democrat. 
Thirteenth — E. Clay Timanus, Republican. 
Fourteenth — Bushrod M. Watts, Democrat. 



272 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Fifteenth — Henry A. Ulrich, Republican, 
Sixteenth — Thomas S. Bell, Republican. 
Seventeenth — Hiram Watty, Republican. 
Eighteenth — B. Frank Kelly, Republican. 
Nineteenth — James H. Marine, Republican. 
Twentieth — Henry Hoffmeister, Republican. 
Twenty-First — William Kalb, Republican. 
Twenty-Second — Albert M. Sproesser, Republican. 
Twenty-Third — Charles H. Heintzeman, Republican. 
Twenty-Fourth — H. J. C. Hoffman, Democrat. 

SECOND BRANCH. 

First District — W. A. Eisenbrandt, Republican; L. A. Dieter, 
Democrat. 

Second District — William C. Smith, Republican; James B. 
Guyton, Democrat. 

Third District— William D. Piatt, Republican; Richard M. 
Venable, Democrat. 

Fourth District — George W. Howser, Republican; H. F. 
Lindeman, Democrat. 

In the next chapter will be told the story of the formal launch- 
ing of the candidacy of Senator Gorman for election to the Sen- 
ate, and the memorable dinner at the Dulaney Valley home of 
Joseph Friedenwald, with the stirring events that marked the 
State fight of 1901. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 



How Gorman Fought His Way Back to the Senate — The Fried- 

enwald Dinner. 



It was not until the excitement of the extra session of the 
Legislature of 1901 had subsided and the hot weather had begun 
to cool the ardor of the politicians that Senator Gorman really 
launched in the open his candidacy for the United States Senate. 
In the middle of the summer Mr. Joseph Friedenwald, a lifelong 
Democrat and friend of Mr. Gorman, sent out invitations to a 
luncheon to be given at his beautiful country home in Dulaney's 
Valley, Baltimore county. The afifair was in honor of Senator 
Gorman, and to it were bidden the most distinguished and promi- 
nent men in the Democratic party from all sections of Maryland. 
Some of those present were Gen. L. Victor Baughman, Frank A. 
Furst, John P. Poe, Thomas A. Lanahan, Edwin Warfield, Gov. 
John Walter Smith, Dr. Joshua W. Hering, Austin L. Crothers. 
William F. Porter, John Gill, Elihu E. Jackson, Buchanan Schley, 
Spencer C. Jones, I. Freeman Rasin, Lloyd L. Jackson, Israel 
Rosenfeld and State Senators and public men from every county 
and legislative district. They went out from Baltimore in a pri- 
vate car and gathered in high spirits on the veranda of the Fried- 
enwald home. They were greeted by Mr. Friedenwald and the 
guest of honor. Luncheon was served on the veranda and at its 
conclusion many speeches were made, the theme of each being 
the return to the Senate of Arthur P. Gorman. 

After they had all gotten through Mr. Gorman himself arose 
and made a typical Gorman speech, adroit, smooth, graceful, but 
indefinite and utterly non-committal. In conjunction with the 
wine and the other speeches, however, it was sufficient to arouse 
the most unbounded enthusiasm, and the cheers for "Gorman" 
echoed far up and down the valley. All elements of the party 

273 



274 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

were represented at the luncheon. Most of them were tried and 
true Gorman men, but in the crowd were not a few who had 
fought the Senator with bitterness in other campaigns. One of 
the guests was I. Freeman Rasin, who sat throughout the dinner 
listening much, but saying little and applauding not at all. 

Incidentally there were launched on that day several good- 
sized Gubernatorial booms. Edwin Warfield made a speech in 
which he eulogized Senator Gorman, and said some things which 
were generally taken as meaning he would be in the fight in 1903. 
The friends of Colonel Spencer C. Jones enthusiastically boomed 
him and Colonel Buchanan Schley delicately intimated to a few 
close friends in an entirely confidential manner that he might be 
induced, under certain circumstances, to consider the nomination 
if it should come his way. It will also be recalled by those who 
were there that this was the occasion upon which William Lee 
Carey, of Worcester county, at frequent and inopportune inter- 
vals, announced "I am for L. Victor Baughman," Everybody 
had a glorious time, and the whole crowd came back to Baltimore 
late in the evening enthusiastically shouting for Gorman and 
fully realizing that he was an avowed and open candidate for the 
Senatorship. Everybody there had said so, except Mr. Gorman 
himself, and he had not denied it. 

Immediately following the Friedenwald luncheon the campaign 
opened and there never has been one fought in Maryland where 
more work was done on both sides or where more earnest efforts 
were put forth to win. Almost every enemy of Mr. Gorman in 
the State, who had rejoiced over his downfall six years before, 
looked upon his prospective return to the Senate as an unmixed 
calamity, and bent their energies toward preventing it. The anti- 
Gorman Democrats combined with the Republicans and vigor- 
ously supported the Republican legislative nominees throughout 
the State. The old charges against Gorman were lugged out 
and aired again, and the old cry of "Gormanism" and "Rasinism" 
again resounded in counties and city. In the Democratic camp 
Mr. Gorman took personal charge of the fight, and while, as 
always, he kept as much in the background as he could, putting 
Murray Vandiver and others to the fore, there was not a move 
made from beginning to end in that campaign that was not 



ITHB STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 275 

directed by him. Great care was taken in the city in the selection 
of the candidates for the Legislature. It was realized that upon 
this fight hinged Mr. Gorman's whole political future, as well as 
the fate of the whole Gorman-Rasin machine. If he won, there 
would be no one for years to dispute his control or aspire to his 
seat. If he lost, his power would be sapped and his leadership 
gone. Few men could have retained the control he did after his 
one defeat for the Senatorship. No leader could stand two suc- 
cessive repudiations. Realizing this situation, after the legisla- 
tive primaries had been held in Baltimore, a conference of the 
leaders was called in the city and it was determined to make some 
changes in the slate with the view of "strengthening" the ticket. 
Governor Smith and Senator Gorman both urged that this be 
done, and Rasin acquiesced. On the night before the four legis- 
lative district conventions were to meet Mr. Rasin induced three 
men who had not been candidates in the primaries and had 
not been previously mentioned in connection with the 
nomination to permit themselves to be named for the House 
of Delegates. These men were Isaac Lobe Straus, Peter J. Camp- 
bell and Sherlock Swann. Rasin's idea was that these three men, 
being well-known men of character and standing, would "per- 
fume" the whole ticket and get it votes where votes were needed. 
In order to carry out his program he was obliged ruthlessly to 
sidetrack three candidates who had gone before the voters of 
their respective wards in the primaries and fairly won their nomi- 
nation. One of these was W. G. Towers, of the Fifteenth ward, 
who, after a hot primary fight had carried his ward and felt sure 
of the reward. No one dreamed that Mr. Towers would not be 
named until the morning of the convention of the Second dis- 
trict. Then when the delegates gathered at Russell's Hall, on 
Pennsylvania avenue, it became known that Mr. Rasin had passed 
the word down the line that Straus was to go on the ticket in 
place of Towers. Immediately there was a wild uproar. The 
Towers delegates vehemently protested and denounced the 
change as an unmitigated outrage. They cursed "Old Man" Ra- 
sin and they swore to get even. The protest, however, was un- 
availing. "Bob" Padgett presided over the convention and 
jammed the slate through while the Towers delegates were still 



276 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

howling. It was all done before they knew what had happened. 
Of course, they howled worse than ever, but it did no good. A 
similar demonstration occurred in the Third district convention, 
where Sherlock Swann and Peter J. Campbell were named, the 
disappointed candidates futilely endeavoring to block the scheme. 

After the legislative nominations had been made the State con- 
vention was called for August 2, and it was at this convention 
that the "white supremacy" plank that has been a feature of 
every Democratic platform in the State since, first made its ap- 
pearance. It was drawn by John P. Poe at the suggestion of Gor- 
man and adopted with tremendous enthusiasm. Governor Smith 
was present at the convention and was enthusiastically received. 
L. Victor Baughman presided and Dr. Joshua W. Hering was 
renominated for Comptroller, and J. Frank Turner, of Easton, 
for Clerk of the Court of Appeals. The Smith administration 
and the extra session were indorsed and the census frauds of the 
Republicans vigorously denounced. Both Mr. Rasin and Mr. 
Gorman were on hand, as were most of the other leaders of the 
regular organization. One of the conspicuous figures was that 
of Edwin Warfield. A big demonstration greeted the appear- 
ance of Mr. Gorman and the whole convention was a Gorman 
body. 

The Republicans followed with their convention the next week, 
nominating for Comptroller, Herman S. Piatt, and for Clerk of 
the Court of Appeals, Thomas Parran. They denounced the 
Smith administration and the extra session, attacked Governor 
Smith's record and shouted "Gormanism" and "Rasinism." Sen- 
ator McComas was in complete control. George A. Pearre pre- 
sided, and there was much eloquent denunciation of the Demo- 
crats. The platform promised, among other things, a primary 
election law, a corrupt practices act and the repeal of the election 
law passed in 1901. P. L. Goldsborough was again made chair- 
man of the State Central Committee. 

The campaign at once became hot. 

The Reform League forces, engineered by Charles J. Bona- 
parte, vigorously opposed Mr. Gorman. A big meeting was held 
at which he was denounced by Edgar H. Gans, Summerfield 
Baldwin, William Keyser, Bonaparte and others. Henry W. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 277 

Williams, Leigh Bonsai, Reuben Foster and others took part 
in the campaign against him and the Republicans had lots of 
Democratic assistance, both financially and otherwise. 

The Democrats followed up the Reform League meeting with 
one of their own at Music Hall, where speeches were made by 
Bernard Carter, Governor Smith and Senator Gorman. Isidor 
Rayner, who was then engaged in the trial of the Schley case, 
wrote a letter that was read at this meeting urging the election 
of the Democratic ticket, and Ex-Gov. Frank Brown pitched into 
the fight, organizing a Young Men's Democratic League and 
holding a big meeting at which Isaac Lobe Straus and others 
spoke. Senator McComas, Thomas J. Shryock and other Repub- 
lican leaders gave out interviews and made speeches calling upon 
the people to rise in their might and prevent the re-establishment 
of Gormanism and Rasinism. 

While all this strife was going on and Mr. Gorman was watch- 
ing every move an^ fighting as he had rarely fought before in 
his life, Mr. Rasin was having a most annoying time in the city. 
At this period there was a complete estrangement between him and 
John J. Mahon. Just what the break was about originally is a 
matter of speculation, but it has generally been thought it was 
over money matters. Anyhow, Mahon hated Rasin and Rasin 
hated Mahon. They could not control themselves when speaking 
of each other, and the bitterness was intense. Rasin did all he 
could to put Mahon out of business, having policemen stationer] 
in front of his friends' saloons, breaking up whatever little card 
games his friends were interested in, and otherwise making life 
unpleasant and unprofitable for "Sonny." In return "Sonny" 
had his knife out for every candidate in whom the "Old Man"' 
was particularly interested. Mahon was for Gorman all right, 
and in this campaign supported the legislative ticket, although he 
knew the men nominated were Rasin men and his political ene- 
mies. His chance to "even up" with Rasin, however, was on the 
city ticket. 

It happened this year that Mr. Rasin had nominated for Clerk 
of the Superior Court his friend John Hannibal. Hannibal was 
about the straightest and cleanest man connected with the Rasin 
organization. Those who know him best know that he never 



278 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

profited by his connection with poHtics, and that his interest in 
the game was that of a Democrat. He was a personal more than 
a poHtical friend of Rasin's. He Hked poHtics and Hked to be 
thought of as having influence in the organization. He was 
popular generally with the rank and file, and Mr. Rasin liked him. 
He nominated him for Clerk of the Superior Court. John Mahon 
also liked Hannibal, but he frankly told him after his nomination 
that he intended to beat him. 

"It ain't you, John," he said, "it's that blankety blank, blankety 
blank blank up there in the Law Building I am after, and the 
only way I can get him is to Hck you, and I am going to do it." 

And he made good his word. Hannibal owed his defeat di- 
rectly to the knifing of Mahon and his friends. Hannibal went 
down and with him went Gen. Stewart Brown, the candidate for 
Clerk of Circuit Court No. 2. Robert Ogle was elected Clerk 
of the Superior Court and Thomas A. Robinson Clerk of the 
Circuit Court, The only Democrat on the city ticket who did 
not go down before the assault of Mahon and his friends was 
Geoige Warfield, who, as a candidate for Sheriff, defeated "Sam" 
Davis by a narrow margin. 

For days after the election there was doubt about the control 
of the Legislature. The Republicans had a big majority of the 
wards in the city and elected most of their candidates. Straus 
and Campbell, two of the men Mr. Rasin had put on to strengthen 
the ticket, pulled through by the skin of their teeth, but Sherlock 
Swann, the other man, was defeated by nearly 1,100 majority. It 
was nearly a week before Senator McComas and the other Repub- 
lican leaders would concede that the Democrats were in a ma- 
jority in the Legislature and that Gorman had won. Finally, 
when the concession was made, notice was filed of the intention of 
the Republicans to contest 20 and more seats of Democratic 
members on the ground of fraud. The Democrats immediately 
retaliated by filing notice of just about that number of contests 
against Republicans, and it was recognized that the fight was 
over and that Gorman had carried the day. 

When the smoke finally cleared away it was seen that the 
Democrats had 51 in the House and 17 in the Senate, while the 
Republicans had 44 in the House and 9 in the Senate, giving the 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 279 

Democrats a majority of 15 on joint ballot. There was wild re- 
joicing in the Democratic ranks. The leaders of the "old guard" 
felt as if they had come into their own again, and all over the 
State the Gorman people were happy. The Sun, which six years 
before had teemed with editorials against Mr. Gorman and whose 
fight had beaten Hurst for Governor and elected Wellington and 
McComas Senators, went through the 1901 campaign without a 
single editorial expression, either for or against Mr. Gorman. Up 
to the very last moment a declaration was looked for, the Gor- 
manites dreading it, and the Republicans and anti-Gorman Demo- 
crats hoping that it would come. It was conceded later, in view 
of the closeness of the result, that one hostile editorial from The 
Sun could probably have beaten Mr. Gorman again, but that 
editorial did not materialize. 

The personnel of the Senate and House of Delegates of 1902 
was as follows : 

THE SENATE. 

(Senators Elected November 5, 1901.) 

Allegany — David J. Lewis, Democrat. 

Baltimore City, District 2 — Lewis Putzel, Republican. 

Caroline — Harry A. Roe, Republican. 

Cecil — Henry M. McCullough, Republican. 

Charles — George T. C. Gray, Republican. 

Dorchester — William F. Applegarth, Democrat. 

Garrett — Robt. A. Ravenscroft, Republican. 

Harford — Thomas H. Robinson, Democrat. 

Montgomery — Spencer C. Jones, Democrat. 

Prince George's — Joseph S. Wilson, Democrat. 

St. Mary's — James J. Greenwell, Democrat. 

Talbot — Robert B. Dixon, Republican. 

Worcester — John P. Moore, Democrat. 

(Senators Elected in 1899 Holding Over.) 

Anne Arundel — Elijah Williams, Democrat. 

Baltimore City — (First District) — Jacob M. Moses, Democrat. 



280 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

(Third District) — Olin Bryan, Democrat. 
Baltimore County — ^John Hubner, Democrat. 
Calvert — Charles L. Marsh, Republican. 
Carroll — Johnzie E. Beasman, Democrat. 
Frederick — Jacob Rohrback, Democrat. 
Howard — William B. Peter, Democrat. 
Kent — James H. Baker, Republican. 
Queen Anne's — James E. Kirwan, Democrat. 
Somerset — Lemuel E. P. Dennis, Republican. 
Washington — B. Abner Betts, Democrat. 
Wicomico — Marion V. Brewington, Democrat. 

THE HOUSE. 

Allegany — Jasper W. Robinette, David T. Williams, Nichol- 
son Eilbeck, Hugh McMillan, Republicans; Francis J. Drum, 
Democrat. 

Anne Arundel — William T. Leatherbury, John A. Watts, Fred. 
L. Shipley, James R. Brashears, Democrats. 

Baltimore City — (First Legislative District) — Louis E. Melis, 
Lewis L. Bawsell, Dr. William F. Pentz, George W. Baum- 
garner, Harry E. Johnson, Republicans ; Stephen C. Little, Demo- 
crat. 

(Second Legislative District) — Stanley A. Foutz, William 
A. S. Beasley, William M. Kerr, John R. M. Staum, Republi- 
cans ; Peter J. Campbell, Isaac Lobe Straus, Democrats. 

(Third Legislative District) — J. Leonard Hoffman, James E. 
Godwin, Joseph Hart, William F. Broening, James F. Morgan, 
William G. Henkel, Republicans. 

Baltimore County — George Y. Everhart, Edw. Lynn Painter, 
C. Lyon Rogers, Jr., Christopher C. Slade, Henry W. Knoebel, 
John Green, Democrats. 

Calvert — Oliver D. Simmons, Louis McK. Griffith, Repub- 
licans. 

Caroline — William W. Goldsborough, Charles W. Jefferson, 
Democrats. 

Carroll — Jess© W. Fuss, Henry J. Hofflacker, Democrats; 
Charles J. H. Ganter, Harry F. Baer, Republicans. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 281 

Cecil — Bennett Steele, George W. Cosden, Democrats ; Joshua 
Clayton, Republican. 

Charles — James De B. Walbach of G., T. J. Jackson Smoot, 
Republicans. 

Dorchester — Tilghman R. Hackett, James S. Shepherd, John 
A. Baker, Benj. J. Linthicum, Democrats. 

Frederick — Thomas Hightman, James W. Smith, Aug. W. 
Njcodemus, William H. Harry, John P. T. Matthias, Repub- 
licans. 

Garrett — Patrick E. Finzel, Charles A. Ashby, Republicans. 

Harford — George W. McComas, Noble L. Mitchell, Howard 
Proctor, Danl. H. Carroll of P., Democrats. 

Howard — John G. Rogers, Wm. H. Forsyth, Jr., Democrats. 

Kent — Azariah M. Kendall, Thomas W. Trew, Republicans. 

Montgomery — Walter A. Johnston, John P. Sellman, Clifford 
H. Robertson, Henry R. Benson, Democrats. 

Prince George's — Frederick Dallam, Robert W. Brooke, Rob- 
ert W. Wells, Democrats ; James P. Curley, Republican. 

Queen Anne's — John T. Norman, William Otho Thomas, Jas. 
T. Bright, Democrats. 

Somerset — A. Lincoln Dryden, Joseph Muir, Republicans ; W. 
Trickett Giles, Democrat. 

St. Mary's — T. Lee Mattingly, Charles S. Grason, Democrats. 

Talbot — William H. Myers, Jr., Nicholas S. Callahan, Demo- 
crats; Perry C. Benson, Republican. 

Washington — Charles G. Biggs, Joseph W. Wolfinger, Harry 
K. Startzman, Benj. F. Charles, W. M. Newcomer, Republicans. 

Wicomico — Albert L. Jones, J. Cleveland White, Franklin B. 
Culver, Democrats. 

Worcester — Lemuel W. Olney, Edwin J. Dirickson, E. Fill- 
more Merrill, Democrats. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 



Isaac Lobe Straus' Great Fight at Annapolis in 1902 — How He 
Defeated the Bosses. 



Almost before the Legislature of 1902 convened trouble started 
among the Democrats, and the session that followed was one of 
the most tempestuous in the history of the State. The storm 
center was Isaac Lobe Straus, now Attorney-General of Mary- 
land, with Senatorial aspirations himself. 

Mr. Straus, it seems, before consenting to go on the ticket as 
a candidate for the House of Delegates, had had it intimated to him 
by the leaders that if he agreed to accept the nomination he would 
have their support for the Speakership of the House of Delegates. 
While afterward the leaders all vehemently denied that Mr. Straus 
had been promised the Speakership, the impression Mr. Straus 
received at the time was that the reason they wanted him to run 
was because they wanted to make him Speaker. Such was the 
impression made upon him, by his talks with Mr. Gorman 
and Mr. Rasin, prior to his nomination. Straus went on the ticket 
and took a leading part in the campaign, speaking almost nightly. 
Soon after the election, and when it had been definitely settled 
that the Democrats were in control, Mr. Straus openly announced 
himself as a candidate for the Speakership, and started in to get 
the support of the Democrats elected to the House. He was per- 
mitted to proceed without interruption for some time, until just 
before Christmas Mr. Gorman came to Baltimore and there had 
a conference with Mr. Rasin, Congressman Talbott and others. 
At that conference it was decided that Straus would not do at 
all for the Speakership. He was altogether too independent, 
had too many ideas of his own, and could not be managed. 

Also, some of the gentlemen who were engaged in the lobby 
protested strongly against any plan of making him Speaker. 

282 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 283 

After some consulting, Straus' claims were pushed aside, and an 
agreement between the leaders was reached to make Noble L. 
Mitchell, of Harford county, Speaker, who had been advanced 
as a candidate by Chairman Murray Vandiver. 

On December 30, at the Rennert, a luncheon and general con- 
ference was held, to which all of the Democratic members of the 
Legislature and a good many of the county and city leaders were 
bidden. There the word was passed down the line for Mitchell, 
and the fight was over. Straus came into the long dining-room 
just about the time everybody was congratulating Mr. Mitchell. 
He saw what had occurred, and immediately declared war on the 
organization. He emphatically announced that he meant to wage 
war upon the organization leaders from the top down ; that he 
would oppose them and their schemes at Annapolis, that he in- 
tended to exercise his privileges as a member to see that outside 
bosses did not dictate legislation ; that there was no lobbying done 
on the floor of the House, and that the delegates were allowed to 
exercise their own judgment. 

Because of the closeness of the vote in the House, this attitude 
of Mr. Straus' caused considerable consternation among the or- 
ganization leaders, who had turned him down. They knew that 
there were a great many important things at stake which Mr. 
Straus might be able to upset. Besides the re-election of Senator 
Gorman, Mr. Vandiver himself was a candidate for re-election as 
State Treasurer, and the bosses were interested in a good many 
other minor matters. Within the next week or so some dozen 
or more Democrats of prominence, at the instance of the leaders, 
went to Mr. Straus to reason with him. He was told that he 
was a young man with a bright political future, but that if he 
persisted in this course of fighting the organization he would ruin 
himself politically, Mr. Straus replying, denounced the organiza- 
tion, and the leaders, in unstinted words, and said he would take 
care of his own political future. He was told that the thing he in- 
tended to do was un-Democratic and would react upon himself. He 
asserted that he was a better Democrat than any boss in the 
State, and did not care if it did react. Finally the leaders gave 



284 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Mr. Straus up, and went down to the caucus at Annapolis with 
grave misgivings. 

The caucus slates for the House of Delegates and Senate were 
selected as follows: 

HOUSE. 

Speaker — Noble L. Mitchell, of Harford county. 
Chief Clerk — Dr. Benjamin L. Smith, of Dorchester county. 
Reading Clerk — Walter R. Townsend, of Baltimore county. 
Journal Clerk — Frederick Sasscer, of Prince George's county. 

SENATE. 

President — John Hubner, of Baltimore county. 

Secretary — Alfred S. Ritter, of Frederick covmty. 

Reading Clerk — Albert J. Almoney, of Montgomery county. 

Journal Clerk — Richard Worthington, of Baltimore city. 

Mr. Straus refused to attend the caucus, and the slate was put 
through in the House without trouble. The leaders began to 
breathe a little easier, but a few days after the session had got 
down to routine business they discovered that Mr. Straus had 
quietly eflfected an ironbound combination with the 44 Republi- 
cans, 3 disgruntled Democrats from Anne Arundel county and 
himself, which gave him absolute and complete control of the 
House of Delegates. They sat up and gasped. For the first time 
in history the organization had lost control of the House of Dele- 
gates. The Speaker was helpless. The Democratic floor leader 
could not accomplish a thing. 

The first intimation of the combination came one day early in 
January, when Mr. Straus, after endeavoring to gain recognition 
for some time, finally obtained it and appealed from the decision 
of the Speaker on a point made by him. The Speaker put the 
motion, but no one took any special interest in the vote un- 
til Anne Arundel county was called, and when the three 
delegates from that section voted against the Speaker con- 
sternation reigned. The sergeant-at-arms and the Dem- 
ocratic whips were sent scurrying about the State House to 
bring in absent Democratic members. When every man was in 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 285 

his seat the roll call, which had been delayed on one pretext or 
another by Reading Clerk Townsend, was continued. Every Re- 
publican and the three Anne Arundel Democrats voted with 
Straus, and the appeal from the Speaker was sustained. 

The leaders were distinctly shocked. Every effort to break 
the ranks of the insurgents was tried in vain. The Anne Arun- 
del Democrats were threatened and cajoled, but without effect. 
ITiey were absolutely controlled by Dr. George Wells, of Anne 
Arundel county, who disliked Governor Smith and was vehem- 
ently against Murray Vandiver. The Republicans had made 
their adherence to Straus a matter of caucus action, and not a 
man could be budged. From that moment Straus had things in 
his own hands. He passed whatever he pleased through the 
House, and he killed what he did not want to pass, and his 
forces stood solidly behind him on every vote. The combina- 
tion was effected through the help of Congressman Sydney E. 
Mudd, upon whose advice the Republicans acted. To the credit 
of Mr. Straus be it said that more good legislation was passed 
by this House of Delegates than probably any other. It passed 
a Corrupt Practices act, a Primary Election law for the State. 
the Haman Oyster bill and many other measures of general State 
importance. 

All of these were, of course, promptly killed in the Senate, 
where the organization was in complete control. In return Mr. 
Straus saw to it that every measure that looked like a pet of the 
organization or of some leader that passed the Senate met death 
in the House. Few, if any, got by him. The situation was a 
most trying one for the organization. With the House of Dele- 
gates absolutely out from under their control they dared attempt 
no political legislation that did not have the sanction of Mr. 
Straus, and every time they killed a Straus bill in the Senate 
Straus retaliated by killing something the leaders were interested 
in in the House. He was pleaded with again and again to give 
up and stop fighting the organization, and was told that he had 
blasted his whole career by his course. This did not trouble him. 

The one thing upon which he did act with the organization was 
in the re-election of Senator Gorman. He did not oppose Sen- 
ator Gorman, and on January 14, Mr. Gorman was elected for the 



286 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

full term of six years, getting- every Democartic vote in both 
House and Senate. Mr. Straus, however, despite all pleadings, 
refused to fall in line for Mr. Vandiver as State Treasurer, and 
declined absolutely to go into the caucus by which the Democrats 
were bound to him. So alarmed were the leaders at the opposi- 
tion to Mr. Vandiver that arrangements were made to have a 
number of Republicans vote for him on the secret ballot so as to 
offset the possible desertion of any Democrats. Straus voted 
for Douglas H. Thomas for State Treasurer, and the result of 
the ballot showed that Mr. Vandiver received two more votes 
than there were Democrats in the Legislature. He got more 
votes than Senator Gorman. It was said by those who were on 
the inside at the time that at least two, and possibly three, Repub- 
licans, voted for Mr. Vandiver, it being deemed wise by that 
gentleman not to take any chances. The Republicans who voted 
for him were from the city delegation, and their names were 
pretty well known by their colleagues. 

Before the election of Senator Gorman, Senator McComas, 
Collector Stone and Republican leaders all over the State endeav- 
ored to arouse a feeling that would split the Democrats in the 
Legislature. In this, however, they failed. Just before the elec- 
tion of the Senator, however, a proposition was advanced at An- 
napolis by which it was hoped to break the ranks. Those who 
were there at the time and in a position to know, know that it was 
directly told Governor Smith that if he could get eight Democrats 
to vote for him he would be supported by the entire Republican 
strength on joint ballot and thus elected. The total Democratic 
majority on joint ballot was only 15. The deflection of eight of 
these combined with the Republicans would have been a major- 
ity, and would have elected any man. Governor Smith's friends 
in Annapolis and Senator Gorman himself knew that had the 
Governor been willing to lend himself to this sort of thing he 
could then have been elected Senator at this time in place of Mr. 
Gorman. 

Governor Smith told those who came to him with the proposi- 
tion that he was not that kind of a Democrat, and he was not 
that kind of a man. He said he would like to be United States 
Senator — in fact, hoped to be some day — but that he did not want 
the place badly enough to think it worth being disloyal to his 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 287 

friends. Nor, he added, did he want to be United States Senator 
if he had to be elected by RepubHcan votes. That this incident 
actually occurred, and occurred in this way can be vouched for 
by a number of men still living who knew the whole cir- 
cumstances. Governor Smith at this time was a candidate for the 
United States Senate in 1904, and expected to have the support 
of Mr. Gorman then. His influence was such that he could not 
only have gotten eight Democrats to have voted for him, but 
could probably have gotten twice that many had be been willing 
to deal in that sort of treachery. Those who know Governor 
Smith, however, know that he never played a dirty political trick 
in his life. They hold that he is incapable of disloyalty or treach- 
ery or deceit or meanness. Therefore, they were not surprised 
that the proposition made to him did not even tempt him. He 
merely laughed at it. He did not even think his declination a 
particularly virtuous one. It never occurred to him that any 
other answer was possible. 

When that session of the Legislature was over the Democratic 
organization leaders heaved sighs of relief. The Straus control 
of the House had kept them on the anxious bench for three 
months, and the strain proved almost too much for some of them. 
They never knew what was going to happen next. Threats, 
promises and persuasion were all alike futile in dealing with 
Straus, who could not be swerved from his course, and who had 
during those three months many exciting battles on the floor 
of the House, some of which almost led to personal conflicts. 
Toward the end, however, he had so thoroughly proved his ability 
to take care of himself that he was let alone. He was easily the 
best parliamentarian in either branch of the Legislature at the 
time, and in debate he outclassed any man on the floor of 
the House, so that with him as its leader the Straus-Republican 
combination had full sway and the leaders were greatly mortified 
at the way in which they were treated. At the close of the ses- 
sion Straus had more than evened up for his "throw-down" for 
the Speakership. 

It was predicted generally by organization Democrats that he 
had killed himself politically, and that he could never again hold 
office in the Democratic party. This did not discourage Mr. 
Straus much, and in the very next State campaign he came to the 



288 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

front as an aspirant for the nomination for the Attorney-Gen- 
eralship. Then it was the leaders had their innings, and 
they crushed Mr. Straus' ambition for the time being, nominat- 
ing that distinguished Democratic lawyer, William Shepard 
Bryan, Jr. 

An incident of considerable political significance that preceded 
the session of 1902 that should be mentioned here was the an- 
nouncement by Edwin Warfield of his candidacy for the Demo- 
cratic Gubernatorial nomination. Mr. Warfield had been looked 
upon as a: tentative candidate ever since the Friedenwald dinner, 
but was not really in the field. The week after the November 
election of 1901 Mr. Warfield, in a straightforward, plain state- 
ment made to the writer of this book and published in The Sun, 
announced himself as a candidate. He declared that he did not 
propose to seek the nomination from any man or set of men ; 
that if he could not get it directly from the people he did not 
want it at all. He did not propose to buy it, as there was no 
honor in a position so obtained, and he did not propose to beg 
for it, because he could not afford to humiliate himself. He de- 
sired the nomination and intended to appeal directly to the masses 
of the Democratic voters. If they wanted him as Governor they 
could manifest that desire in the primaries. Although he lived 
and voted in Howard county, he declared that he proposed to 
regard himself as the Baltimore city candidate. He had big busi- 
ness interests in the city, and felt that the city was entitled to 
the nomination. He made his announcement two years in ad- 
vance of the election, he said, because he saw no reason for with- 
holding his ambition from the people, and he desired to make his 
fight in the open. 

This statement of Mr. Warfield came at an opportune time, and 
it gave him a decided advantage over all other candidates. By 
the time others got into the field they found the Warfield senti- 
ment had so crystalized strength and headway that it could not be 
combatted. The people had made up their minds to have War- 
field for Governor, and to have nominated anyone else would 
have been to invite certain defeat. Mr. Warfield himself later 
attributed much of his strength in his fight for the nomination 
this second time to the fact that he had two years before openly 
proclaimed himself as a candidate. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 



The McLane-Hayes Primaries and the True Story of Robert M. 
McLane's Candidacy. 



In the last years of his Hfe the two men whom I. Freeman 
Rasin hated with his whole soul were Thomas G. Hayes and 
Edwin Warfield. He never did like Mr. Warfield, but in 1903 
he had not begun to entertain toward him those feelings of bit- 
terness which afterward characterized him. At that period his 
best energies were given up to hating Hayes. He used to refer 
to Governor Warfield, after the latter had repudiated the Rasin 
organization, as "that high-headed fellow up in the Fidelity 
Building." It is not possible to print the names by which he was 
wont to indicate Mr. Hayes. They were both lurid and luminous. 

Almost from the time he was inaugurated Mr. Hayes began 
to play the game for a renomination and to build up a Hayes 
machine. He repudiated and denounced the Rasin organization, 
and cast all the Rasin men who were holding offices upon whom 
he could lay his hands into outer darkness. Soon after January 
I, 1903, he made formal announcement of his candidacy for re- 
nomination, appealing to the citizens to support him upon the 
strength of his record as Mayor and his known honesty and in- 
dependence. James T. Doyle, then warden of the city jail, was 
his political manager and adviser. Others in his kitchen cabinet 
were John H. Sirich, Sol Freburger, Samuel Randall and James 
H. Smith. Later, through Doyle, Hayes contracted a political 
alliance with J. Frank Morrison, the leading spirit in the Crescent 
Club, the old-time enemy of Rasin, and Hiram Dudley, who 
had been worsted in the Nineteenth ward by Daniel J. Loden, but 
who was still considered a power and was also anti-Rasin. 

The Hayes organization was built upon the patronage in 
the City Hall, and in every ward in the city Doyle, for the Mayor, 

289 



290 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

had endeavored to construct a machine through the judicious dis- 
tribution of minor positions in the City Hall. With his record, 
which was a good one ; his newspaper support, his control of the 
City Hall patronage and the apparently unlimited campaign fund 
with which he was provided Hayes was a formidable candidate. 
After his formal announcement he organized, not only in every 
ward, but in the town generally, campaign committees, and there 
flocked to his support many of the leading Democrats of the city. 
John F. Williams became the chairman of his campaign commit- 
tee. Men such as Edgar H. Cans, William L. Marbury and 
others came out openly for him, and the Evening News, then pub- 
lished by Mr. Charles H. Grasty, began to make a vigorous fight 
for his nomination. The Mayor and his friends were elated. 
They began to think they had the organization and Mr. Rasin on 
the run, and that they would run away with the town in the pri- 
maries. About this time — in February — Mr. Francis E. Yewell 
announced himself as a candidate for the Democratic nomination 
and started in to make a campaign as the "workingman's friend." 
Mr. Yewell was popular throughout the town. He had always 
been a straight organization Democrat, and his friends believed 
that if the organization would take him up he could beat Hayes 
in the primaries. He opened up headquarters on West Fayette 
street, but the organization — by which is meant Rasin — made no 
move. It gave him absolutely no encouragement, and the word 
went out that it was hunting for a third man to put in the field 
to beat Hayes. And this was, in fact, the situation. 

Mr. Rasin realized as well as anyone in the city — perhaps bet- 
ter than anyone — the strength of Hayes. He knew that to beat 
him in the primaries it would be necessary to have a candidate 
who would be so far above politics and political influence that the 
cry of "Rasin's man" could not affect him. He knew that the time 
had gone by when he could hope to put up a straight out and out 
organization man and jam him through. Yet he was determined to 
beat Hayes if he had to nominate his next greatest enemy. For 
weeks and weeks, while Hayes and Yewell campaigned energetical- 
ly, the organization workers and ward leaders grew more and 
more restless and uneasy. They were afraid the "Old Man" 
was losing his grip. They thought valuable time was being lost 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 291 

in getting behind a candidate. Hayes was gathering the loose 
ends of the organization into his camp. Yewell was making 
progress among the laboring element. Everything was going to 
pieces. Throughout this period Mr. Rasin sat unmoved, declar- 
ing to those who came into his office that he was taking no part 
in the campaign ; that he had "washed his hands" of the whole 
business, and they could "go do as they liked." He did not, he 
said, intend to have the whole brunt of the fight on his shoulders. 
He did not care if they got another candidate in the field. If 
the people wanted to nominated that — (referring to Hayes) — 
why, let them go ahead and do it. As for him, he was out of 
politics. 

This and a lot more of the same sort, was quickly spread 
by his followers and helped complicate the situation. All the 
time the "Old Man" was working under cover. In those weeks 
while the thing was drifting, the organization support for the 
nomination was offered to some half-dozen or more men of promi- 
nence in the community. The offers were not made directly by 
Mr. Rasin, but through eminently respectable emissaries. One of 
those who could have had the nomination but declined was Mr. 
Wilton Snowden. 

In the meantime Gov. John Walter Smith had begun to inter- 
est himself in the situation. Governor Smith was an out-and-out 
candidate for the United States Senate. He and his friends rec- 
ognized that the election of a Democratic Mayor in the spring 
would greatly facilitate the election of a Democratic Governor 
and Legislature in the fall. Upon the Legislature being Demo- 
cratic depended whether or not his Senatorial candidacy would 
amount to anything. Hence he had a vital stake in the fight. He 
believed that without Rasin's help in the Legislature he could 
not go to the Senate. Therefore he was anxious to have Rasin 
defeat Hayes with a candidate who could win. About this time 
Mr. George Cator was brought out as a candidate by Edward 
Parrish, John Waters and other enthusiastic friends. Mr. Cator, 
a scholarly and accomplished man and a Democrat from principle, 
was ambitious to be Mayor. He was ready to announce himself 
at the slightest hint that the organization would be for him. Mr. 
Rasin never gave that hint. While Mr. Cator was hovering on 



292 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

the brink of announcement, and his friends were scouring the 
town getting signatures to a petition for him, Gen. Ferdinand C. 
Latrobe suddenly announced his candidacy, depositing his money 
with the Supervisors of Elections. 

Back of General Latrobe's candidacy was the late Thomas M. 
Lanahan. Mr. Lanahan had a tremendous belief in the popular- 
ity of General Latrobe, and was convinced that he could win 
where no one else would stand a chance. He talked with Rasin 
about it and Rasin seemed to acquiesce. "Bob" Padgett, who 
was a dyed-in-the-wool Latrobe man, immediately began to shout 
for the seven-times Mayor. Mr. Rasin told some of his followers 
in his office that "it looks like Latrobe to me." 

Immediately the word went flying down the line, and the or- 
ganization people all over the city began to declare for Latrobe. 
A meeting of the ward executives was called by Secretary Wil- 
liam F. Porter. They met in the Calvert Building one Monday 
night, and every man reported that the sentiment in his ward 
was overwhelmingly for Latrobe. "Bill" Garland, anxious to 
get in ahead of the others, the next night called a meeting of the 
Third Ward Democratic Club and indorsed Latrobe's candidacy. 

The next day Mr. Rasin sat in his office and told everybody 
who came in : "There is nothing in this Latrobe business. La- 
trobe is a dead one. He could not win if you were to nominate 
him. The Sun paper won't support him. He is tied up with 
the Consolidated Gas Company and he won't do." 

Right away this was carried "down the line," and consterna- 
tion ensued among the organized forces. At once the shouting 
for Latrobe was checked and all enthusiasm about his candidacy 
ebbed. It fell absolutely flat. It became a joke. "Bill" Garland, 
looking very foolish, came up to the "Old Man's" office to know 

what to do, and the "Old Man" told him to "do what he d 

pleased ;" that he was out of politics and had nothing to do with 
this fight. 

There were some more days of suspense, and finally one morn- 
ing the announcement was made in The Sun that Robert M. 
McLane, then State's Attorney, had been ofiFered the organization 
support for the nomination. It was said that Mr. McLane had 
been asked to be a candidate by Democrats far removed from the 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 293 

influence of the organization, but who had the interests of the 
party at heart, and wanted to end this painful situation. The 
statement was made that the organization leaders knew nothing 
whatever about the effort to get Mr. McLane into the field as 
a candidate, but that it was known if he did consent at the in- 
stance of his independent Democratic friends to go into the fight 
the organization would be only too glad to fall in behind him. 
The next day it was announced that Mr. McLane had resisted 
these efforts and refused to become a candidate. The day fol- 
lowing there was a story that the attempt to induce McLane for 
the good of the party to make the fight had been renewed by 
Democrats of influence and standing in the community, whose 
independence was conceded, and that he was considering it. Two 
days of speculation followed, and then came the announcement 
from Mr. McLane himself that he would be a candidate for the 
nomination. Simultaneously with this announcement he filed his 
papers and deposited his money with the Supervisors. 

Now the truth about the bringing out of McLane was this : 
The first man who really made an effort toward getting him to- 
consider the nomination was Major Richard M. Venable. The 
whole thing was patched up in the Maryland Club. Major Ven- 
able talked with Gov. Frank Brown about it. The next man 
taken in was William Keyser — he of the Reform League. Wil- 
liam Cabell Bruce, who was McLane's law partner, was consulted, 
and it was agreed that it would be a mighty fine thing for the 
city if McLane could be elected Mayor. 

Ex-Governor Brown, being upon terms of political intimacy 
and friendship with Mr. Rasin, such as Mr. Keyser never en- 
joyed, was delegated to see what Rasin's attitude would be. He 
saw Rasin and laid the McLane proposition before him. At first 
Rasin balked. Then he wanted to talk with McLane. He did 
see McLane, and after two or three days let it be known to Gov- 
ernor Brown in his characteristic way that he would support him. 
McLane was then brought out under absolutely independent 
Democratic auspices, being assured before he came out of the 
support of the Rasin organization and of the elements of the in- 
dependents represented by Keyser, Bruce, Venable and others. 

At once the Hayes, Yewell and Latrobe people made common 



294 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

cause against McLane. The first point raised against him was 
the question of his ehgibihty. It was discovered that his name 
was not on the tax books of the city, and that he owned no real 
estate. The cry that he was inehgible was immediately raised. 
McLane showed that he owned stocks and bonds, which were 
taxed by the city, in sufficient quantity to make him eligible, and 
opinions that there was not the slightest doubt as to his eligibil- 
ity were rendered by Bernard Carter, John P. Poe, William Shep- 
ard Bryan, Jr., and a host of other Democratic lawyers. 

This was too good a point to let slip, however, and the Hayes 
people at once came back with the opinions of other lawyers that 
he was clearly ineligible. The controversy over this waged 
fiercely for a while and was then dropped. It was revived 
shortly before the primaries, however, by William Pinkney 
Whyte, who, in an interview, gave his opinion that McLane was 
clearly ineligible. Governor Whyte and the McLane family were 
never upon good terms, and the McLanes greatly resented this 
action of Mr. Whyte's. 

In the meanwhile developments began to occur rapidly. Mc- 
Lane was anxious to have on the organization ticket with him 
strong men for President of the Second Branch and City Comp- 
troller. Mr. Rasin, on the other hand was equally determined 
to have these places filled by men whom he knew were his friends, 
having for the sake of defeating Hayes accepted a man for the 
Mayoralty nomination whom he knew he could not control. 
W. Starr Gephart was Rasin's candidate for the Presidency of 
the Second Branch, but the search for an available candidate 
for Comptroller was almost as difficult as the one the organiza- 
tion had just passed through for the head of the ticket. The 
nomination was offered to John S. Gittings, but declined. Vari- 
ous other men were mentioned and rejected, and this was the one 
place still vacant on the organization slate. One Monday night 
the ward executives and some of the city leaders met in the Cal- 
vert Building to go over the situation. After the meeting there 
was some general talk about the Comptrollership. At this time 
Harry F. Hooper was the executive of the Sixth ward, having 
been made such by James W. Lewis, the boss of the ward. 
Hooper was then an $i8-a-week clerk in an ice company. In 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 295 

talking over the situation Lewis said half jestingly: "They ought 
to give the Comptroller to the Sixth ward." Someone else said : 
"Who have you got over there?" and Lewis answered, "Why, 
here is Harry Hooper. You're all talking about 'young men' and 
'new blood.' He is a young man and has never held any office. 
Nobody knows him, but that won't hurt him in the campaign." 
John Hannibal, who was present, spoke up and said he thought 
East Baltimore was entitled to the nomination, and believed 
Hooper would run as well as some others who had been men- 
tioned. 

There was a reporter of The Sun in the crowd, and the next 
day Hooper's name was mentioned in connection with the Comp- 
trollership nomination. This was the first time Hooper had ever 
been mentioned or thought of in connection with a public office. 
Seeing his name in the paper the next day, Hannibal and Lewis 
took more seriously what they had started as a joke and actually 
went to Mr. Rasin with the proposition to nominate Hooper. 
Rasin had never heard of Hooper, but after making some inquir- 
ies and being assured by Hannibal and Lewis that he was "true 
blue" and a "Muldoon," and various other things, said "all 
right," and let the word go out for Hooper. Hooper was so de- 
lighted that he wept in John Hannibal's office. He was half 
scared to death, but his friends braced him up and told him not 
to be afraid and that all he had to do was to get up on the plat- 
form and say he could not make a speech, but that he was a 
Democrat. This completed the organization slate. 

On the other hand, the Hayes slate was completed by the en- 
trance into the fight of James B. Guy ton as a candidate for the 
Presidency of the Second Branch City Council and of City Comp- 
troller James H. Smith as a candidate for renomination as Comp- 
troller. They both joined forces with Hayes, and it was a clean- 
cut fight between the Hayes slate on the one side and the organi- 
zation slate on the other. No one thought for a moment that 
either Yewell or Latrobe had a ghost of a show, and they did not. 

In the two weeks that ensued between the completion of the 
two slates and the Hayes-McLane primaries there was some of 
the ugliest and meanest campaigning that ever happened in the 
city. The Hayes side seemed more plentifully supplied with 



296 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

money than the other; at least they spent more of it in the pre- 
liminary campaign, although on election day the organization 
forces had all they wanted. But Hayes and his campaign com- 
mittee practically monopolized the front pages of the news- 
papers, and every conceivable form of attack was used to weaken 
McLane. His family and his family characteristics were ridi- 
culed and held up to scorn. The "eligibility" point, about which 
no lawyer had any real doubt, was played upon day after day. 
The Poe family, for its support of McLane, came in for a lot 
of sarcasm and abuse both in prose and in verse, and every effort 
was made to tar McLane with the Rasin stick and persuade the 
people that, notwithstanding his fine record and high character, he 
would be nothing less than a tool of the boss. 

On the other hand, the organization managers resorted to 
tricks and turns of an even more personal nature. The unfortu- 
nate incident when Mayor Hayes was taken sick at the Hopkins 
banquet was recalled, and thousands of cards containing merely 
this legend, "Vote for the hero of the Hopkins banquet," were 
printed and distributed broadcast throughout the city. Their 
distribution caused many persons to inquire into their meaning, 
and the Hopkins banquet episode was spread throughout the 
town. It was accentuated by a fierce publication in The Sun, 
over the signature of Leigh Bonsai, in which the latter recited 
the circumstances and declared that upon that occasion Mr. 
Hayes had disgraced the city of Baltimore. Mr. Joseph Packard 
denounced this sort of campaigning as low and un-Democratic, 
and the fight began to get lurid. The Evening News supported 
Mr. Hayes with energy and ability. The day after a magnificent 
sketch and character study of Hayes appeared in The News, in 
which all of the known virtues were attributed to him. Major 
Venable wrote and published the following letter: 

"After you have completed the building of a mythical Hayes, 
will you do us the favor to take a day off and study the real 
Hayes, and then let us know whether you think he is a fit person 
to be Mayor of Baltimore?" 

Something of a sensation was created just before the primar- 
ies by a conference held in the State's Attorney's office, at which 
were present Robert M. McLane, his father, James McLane, Ed- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 297 

gar Allan Poe, James B. Guyton and one or two others. At this 
conference, Mr. McLane made the proposition to Mr. Guyton 
that both he and Mr. Gephart withdraw as candidates for the 
Presidency of the Second Branch City Council, and let the party 
unite upon Mr. Henry Williams for this position. Mr. Guyton 
refused to consider this proposition and the publication of the 
proposal created much excitement. McLane had intimated that 
if this were not agreed to he himself might withdraw. The next 
day, however, he publicly announced that he would stay in the 
fight, and nothing further in the way of a realignment was at- 
tempted. 

It was about this time that Mayor Hayes created some excite- 
ment by declaring that if he won his fight in the primaries he 
would take unto himself a wife. This statement, however, did 
not disorganize or stampede the organization forces. Still an- 
other development was sprung when cards and advertisements 
began to appear urging voters to vote for "McLane, Guyton and 
Smith." This was the ticket supported by John J. Mahon and 
his friends, who, while supporting Mr. McLane, were just as 
much opposed to Mr. Rasin's candidates — Gephart and Hooper 
— as they had been to Hannibal in the campaign of 1901. 

Governor Smith and the State leaders generally showed their 
interest in the fight by contributing money to the election of 
the organization ticket, and by aiding in every way they could. 
Ex-Governor Brown jumped into the fray, took off his coat and 
helped organize the Young Men's McLane League. At the time 
Governor Brown kept people guessing as to whether he intended 
later to come out as a candidate for Governor or for Senator. 
It was in this campaign that in reply to a criticism from one 
of the high-minded members of the Reform League, who took 
him to task concerning his utterances about "white supremacy," 
stating that Grover Cleveland had placed his hand upon the 
head of Booker T. Washington, that Governor Brown said: "I 
don't object to Grover Cleveland placing his hand on the head 
of Booker Washington. It is having Booker Washington place 
his hand on the head of Grover Cleveland that I object to." 

Eugene F. O'Dunne was the president of the Young Men's 
McLane League, and his appearance in that capacity was the 



298 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

first lime anyone had ever heard of him in poHtics. Allan Gird- 
wood was one of the leaders and moving spirits, as well as or- 
ganizers of the League, and others prominently connected with it 
were W. Milnes Maloy, Clarence W. Perkins, Clarence Kirwin, A. 
S. Goldsborough and George Weems Williams. The executives 
appointed for the 24 wards representing the League were as fol- 
lows: 

First Ward — Bayard Williams. 

Second — Fred. V. Reinheimer. 

Third— J. J. McGrath. 

Fourth — J. Harry Wilms. 

Fifth— Harry B. Wolf. 

Sixth — William L Norris. 

Seventh — J. J. Klecka. 

Eighth — William Duncan. 

Ninth — E. D. Livingston. 

Tenth— John V. Ward. 

Eleventh — William M. Maloy. 

Twelfth— John W. Marshall. 

Thirteenth — Clarence Kirwin. 

Fourteenth — Mason P. Morfit. 

Fifteenth — James F. Gurry. 

Sixteenth— Alfred L. O'Ferrall. 

Seventeenth — Morton Dukehart. 

Eighteenth — Edwin H. Brownly. 

Nineteenth — Bernard Maguire. 

Twentieth — Simon B. Bransky. 

Twenty-First — C. H. Atkinson. 

Twenty-Second — Vincent Demarco. 

Twenty-Third — John L. Dull. 

Twenty-Fourth — H. W. Ludington. 

On April 4 the League held a big meeting at the Lyric, which 
was called to order by Mr. Girdwood, and presided over by Mr. 
O'Dunne. Speeches were made by B. Howell Griswold, Stuart 
Janney, A. S. Goldsborough, George Weems Williams, McLane 
and others. It was about this time that the Crescent Club split up. 
J. Frank Morrison made a deal with Hayes, and it was under- 
stood took charge of the finances of the Hayes campaign. B. B. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 299 

Shreeves, came out for McLane. Morrill N. Packard, another 
Crescent Club leader, who had frequently denounced Hayes as 
had Morrison, came out for Hayes and spoke nightly for him. 
The forces in the Crescent Club were divided badly. The fight 
became furious toward the close. Even the professional inde- 
pendent Democrats were split up. William L. Marbury and Jos- 
eph Packard were out for Hayes, while Bonsai, Bruce and many 
others, who had always opposed Rasin, were for McLane, and 
being for McLane swallowed the whole organization ticket, just 
as Mr. Rasin had planned they should when he agreed to nom- 
inate McLane. 

The primaries were held on April 7 and the organization ticket 
swept the city. McLane carried 19 of the 24 wards and both 
Gephart and Hooper ran close up with the head of the ticket. 
Rasin candidates for the City Council were nominated pretty 
well in all the districts except the Third, where George Stewart 
Brown, after one of his door-bell wringing campaigns, defeated 
Louis Dieter, beating the organization badly. McLane's majority 
in the primaries was nearly 5,000. Yewell and Latrobe got only 
an insignificant number of votes. Hayes took his defeat badly. 
He had been absolutely confident, having been misled by some 
of his political advisors and betrayed by some others, and enter- 
taining an exaggerated idea of his strength. There are a good 
many persons who believe that he was really cheated out of the 
nomination by the organization, and that McLane was counted in. 
There may be some truth in this. No one can tell exactly. It is 
certain that in some precincts there was some fraud, and the or- 
ganization ticket profited by it, but it is doubtful whether there 
was much of it, and it is probably true that had every vote been 
counted on the square Hayes would still have been defeated. 

With Hooper and Gephart, however, the reverse of this is 
probably true. The organization, realizing that they were both 
weaker than McLane and that John Mahon and his friends were 
•out to beat them, left no trick unturned to pull them through. 
One instance of this will serve to illustrate. On the night of the 
primaries the returns from the precinct in which Hooper lived 
were brought in to the Supervisor's office. In advance of the 
•coming of the judges some of the Sixth ward leaders came 



300 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

around and boasted that they had given Hooper's opponent, 
James H. Smith, only two votes in the whole precinct. All of 
the rest had gone to Hooper, the Sixth ward leaders being deter- 
mined that the figures should show Hooper's great popularity in 
his home precinct. As returned, the figures made Hooper 
in this precinct run several hundred votes ahead of McLane and 
Gephart and made Smith run several hundred behind Hayes and 
Guyton. This "evidence" of Hooper's "popularity" was over- 
whelming. One man, however, suggested that it was a little "too 
raw" to give Smith only two votes in the precinct and that 
trouble might result. 

After some conferring it was decided that this was true. The 
judges were ordered to go back and recount. When they finally 
came in Hooper was still way ahead of McLane and Gephart in 
this precinct, but Smith had been given about twenty, instead of 
two. After the primaries Mr. Smith secured affidavits from more 
than fifty persons in the precinct, who swore they had voted for 
him. Even Mr. Hooper's "popularity" in his home precinct could 
not account for this. There was much talk of a contest upon the 
part of the friends of Hayes, Guyton and Smith, but under the 
law it was impossible to go behind the returns in the primaries, 
and hence nothing came of it. Had the boxes really been opened 
and the ballots recounted there would have been some interesting 
disclosures. 

The result of the primaries was a crushing blow to Hayes. All 
his fine political plans were knocked into a cocked hat and "Old 
Man" Rasin sat up in the Law Building and chuckled. Not only 
had he knocked Hayes, whom he hated with all his heart, out 
of the game, but at the same time he had beaten a whole crew 
of his other political enemies — Mahon, Morrison and Dudley — 
who had combined against him. Mahon was the only one of 
these who did not support Hayes. Every effort to get him in 
line for Hayes was made, and he did attend a conference with 
Morrison and Dudley, listened to what they said and then told 
them to go ahead and count him out; that he would not join 
them. 

The Republican primary contest was but little less exciting 
and interesting than that on the other side. This was the cam- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 301 

paign in which WiUiam F. Stone and Frank C. Wachter had 
their original quarrel and fight. It was the one fight since he 
has had control of the organization in which Mr. Stone was 
really worsted and it is a tribute to his ability that the defeat, 
which was a decisive one, in no wise weakened his control or 
affected his leadership. Wachter was in Congress at the time 
and started his Mayoralty fight in the fall of 1902. At that time 
he made known his aspirations to Stone, Stephen R. Mason and 
others of the organization leaders, of whom he was one at the 
time. He always claimed that he had been promised the organi- 
zation support by Stone and Mason in the fall. Stone and Mason 
always declared that no such promise had ever been given, and 
that Mr. Wachter knew it. 

Wachter at that time had as his advisers and political lieuten- 
ants William M. Stewart, George W. Padgett, William F. 
Broening, Henry J. Broening, Monitor Watchman and John B. 
Treibler. More important than any of these, however, was his 
friend John J. Hanson, now Sheriff of Baltimore. 

Strong, popular and pleasant, Hanson was a tower of strength 
to Wachter. He it was who had managed every one of Wach- 
ter's Congressional fights, handling his money and keeping him 
from making many mistakes. Originally he was a Democrat, 
and he had never voted a Republican ticket until Wachter became 
a candidate for Congress. 

After some weeks of fiddling and fooling Wachter finally be- 
came aware that Stone intended to oppose him for the nomina- 
tion. Immediately the line between the two factions was sharply 
drawn and Wachter, with the aid of Hanson and Stewart, 
started in to effect an organization of his own all over the city. 
Wherever he could he broke into the regular organization lines 
and stole their men. The city committee had several stormy 
meetings. The majority of the executives were Stone men on 
the surface, but there were several open Wachterites. After one 
or two fights the Wachterities pulled out and their places were 
filled by Stone adherents. Wachter formed a campaign commit- 
tee and opened headquarters. He also put a full ticket in the 
field, John Kronmiller, being made his candidate for Comp- 
troller, and Robert L. Stevens his candidate for President of the 



302 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Second Branch. In every ward and district there was a Wachter 
candidate for the City Council. 

In the meantime Stone was just as busy. He called a meeting 
of representative Republican business men, including Harry B. 
Wilcox, Reuben Foster, Isaac H. Dixon and others of that class, 
at the Rennert. This meeting unanimously indorsed William D. 
Piatt as the organization candidate for the Mayoralty. Stone 
had arranged the meeting with his usual adroitness. Every man 
invited was known to be willing to indorse Piatt beforehand, and 
was known to be against Wachter. Speeches were made and it 
was tried to demonstrate that behind Mr. Piatt was the solid 
substantial citizenship of the Republican party in the city. The 
Wachter people saw the hand of Stone behind the meeting very 
clearly and did not hesitate to point it out. Wachter took the 
stump and made a whirlwind tour of the city, speaking in every 
ward two or three times. Sometimes his speeches got into 
print as they were delivered and sometimes they were revised 
before publication. Some of the things he said about Stone and 
the "custom-house ring" were too strong for publication, but a 
lot of them got in the papers and the Stone following fumed and 
raved. 

Mr. Stone, however, had mapped out a policy for his candi- 
dates and made them adhere to it. He refused to let them reply 
to Wachter and himself treated all charges as not worth consider- 
ing. This made Wachter madder than ever and he fairly made 
the air blue with his denunciation of the organization. Stone 
brought out George R. Hefifner for Comptroller and E. Clay 
Timanus, then serving in the First Branch from the Thirteenth 
Ward, for President of the Second Branch. 

Wachter and his friends attacked both of them and ridiculed 
Piatt unmercifully. There was not much to Mr. Piatt as a candi- 
date. He was not popular, had no following or strength of his 
own, and was an exceedingly poor campaigner. No one disliked 
him very much, but no one cared very much about him. He 
lacked utterly personal magnetism. That was Wachter'^ 
strong card, and that kept the "boys" shouting for him all over 
the town. This was the campaign in which Wachter made the 
statement that if elected he "would take the hinges off the doors 
at the City Hall." This statement greatly grieved Charles J. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 303 

Bonaparte, who, in both the primaries and afterwards, opposed 
Mr. Wachter. Wachter never could speak of Bonaparte after 
that without swearing, and had in his time called him some pic- 
turesque names. 

Senator McComas was very hostile to Wachter, and, while 
ostensibly keeping out of the fight, helped the Stone organization 
all he could. On the other hand Wachter had the enthusiastic 
support of Congressman Sydney E. Mudd and of "Uncle Bill" 
Jackson. It was generally believed at the time that Jackson 
contributed largely to his campaign fund. Mudd was anxious 
to defeat Stone, and believed if he could crush the organization 
in the city and elect an anti-Stone-anti-McComas man as Mayor, 
such as Wachter would have been, in the event of a Republican 
Legislature he could secure McComas' seat in the Senate, either 
for himself or for Mr. Jackson. The interest in the primary 
fight was thus State-wide. 

The organization leaders up to the day before the primaries 
refused to concede him more than three wards in the city, and 
believed they had the fight won. When the votes were counted 
it was found that Wachter had swept the town, carrying ly out 
of the 24 wards. Both of his running mates, however, went down 
to defeat. Wachter carried the first lo wards in the city by big 
majorities and swamped the organization in some of its strong- 
holds. He cared but little for the defeat of his running mates. 
They were merely necessary pawns in the game, put up to com- 
plete his ticket and that was all. His fight was for himself, 
and his victory was a great one. The Republican City Conven- 
tion was held a few nights after the primaries at the Lyric, and 
the entire ticket — Wachter, Heflfner and Timanus — was nomi- 
nated unanimously and amid great enthusiasm. John V. L. Find- 
lay made the speech nominating Mr. Wachter, and that genial 
gentleman, in accepting the nomination, got a reception that he 
probably remembered all of his life. 

The fight that followed was a short but bitter one, and the 
result was so close as to be unsatisfactory. Following the elec- 
tion of McLane came the State fight of 1903, in which Edwin 
Warfield was elected Governor, and in the session of the Legis- 
lature of 1904 there occurred the memorable contest between 
Smith and Rayner for the Senate. 



CHAPTER XXX. 



The Wachter-McLane Fight and the Treachery That Marked It. 



The McLane-Wachter campaign lasted a Uttle less than three 
weeks, but there was never a minute in that time when the two 
parties were not fighting. There has probably never been a 
campaign in Baltimore in which the contrast between the two 
Mayoralty candidates was as great. Wachter, the loud-laughing, 
ibig-hearted, rough-and-ready, unpolished politician ; McLane, 
the aristocratic, scholarly, refined, level-headed, well-balanced, 
high-minded gentleman — they were as different types as could 
have been found in a long day's search. Wachter was the smil- 
ing, hail fellow well met, "let's-have-a-drink" kind of citizen, 
whom every man he met liked and who liked nearly every man. 
McLane was suave, self-contained, courteous, quiet and agree- 
able. 

All over town Wachter characterized him from the stump as 
the "silk-stocking" candidate, and with great heat denounced him 
as a member of the Maryland Club, far removed from the com- 
mon people. Most of this was true. There was nothing common 
about McLane. He was a most uncommon man and gentleman, 
but he was every inch a man, and there was not about him a 
vestige of a snob. He was a decent, high-minded, likable fel- 
low, with a fine mind and a real heart. If he had lived he would 
have made the best Mayor Baltimore ever had and would have 
given the city better government than it had either before or 
since. Also he would not have attempted to play politically to 
the galleries. He would not have been run by either the organi- 
zation or the independents, but would have treated both fairly 
and squarely. That is what he did do in the year he was Mayor, 
and what he would have continued to do had he lived out his 
term. 

304 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 305 

As soon as the Republican primaries were over Wachter and 
Stone got together and a reconcihation was effected. Wachter 
insisted that WilHam M. Stewart, John B. Treibler and others 
of his friends should have a part in the management of the cam- 
paign, and Stone was more than willing, but it was Stone who 
really directed the fight. To the credit of Mr. Stone, be it said, 
notwithstanding the charges later made by Mr. Wachter and 
his friends, he honestly did, all he could to bring about Wachter's 
election, and was absolutely on the square with him. There were 
some other Republican influences, however, that were not for him 
except upon the surface. Just before the election there appeared 
in the Baltimore American a front-page advertisement headed 
"McLane-Heffner-Timanus," and a long article in which Repub- 
licans were advised to vote for these three candidates. This ad- 
vertisement set Wachter and his friends wild. They denounced 
the American and the organization, claimed that an effort was 
being made to sell them out and otherwise frantically protested. 
They never were able to discover who had inserted or paid for 
the advertisement, but Wachter always considered it as one of the 
things that had helped defeat him, and laid the blame on Merrill 
A. Teague, of the Baltimore American staff, who was also clerk 
of the Second Branch City Council. 

After the primaries the Young Men's McLane League took 
headquarters at Charles and Saratoga streets. Ex-Governor 
Brown became its treasurer and financed the league. The State 
leaders pitched into the fight and McLane made an effective cam- 
paign all over the city. Most of the more influential of the men 
who supported Hayes in the primaries came to the front for Mc- 
Lane. James B. Guyton spoke at several meetings. John F. 
Williams presided and spoke for McLane and the ticket, and 
James P. Gorter worked and spoke for the ticket. Mr. Gorter 
had supported Hayes because he held the position of City Col- 
lector under him and felt that he could not do otherwise, but 
at heart he was an organization man. 

Probably the biggest feature of this short campaign was the 
switching of the influence of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad 
Company from McLane to Wachter. To say that this created a 
sensation in political circles is to put it mildly. At this time the 



306 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

late Morris A. Thomas, a brother of J. Sewell Thomas, was the 
confidential political representative of the Baltimore and Ohio 
Company. Morris Thomas had from the start been for McLane. 
The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad influence was all for McLane 
in the primaries, just as the Western Maryland Railroad influ- 
ence and the Fuller syndicate were generally supposed to be 
with Hayes. Morris Thomas was in consultation during the 
primary fight with Governor Smith and with McLane himself. 
He had the confidence of both and did important confidential 
work. He tried, incidentally, to bring about the nomination of 
Guyton and Smith with McLane, but failed in this, and after the 
nomination was an enthusiastic McLane man. Everything went 
well up to within a week before the election. The Baltimore and 
Ohio influence in a fight was in those days well worth having. It 
meant many votes and, this being prior to the Corrupt Practices 
act, a large contribution to the campaign fund. 

About six days before the election Senator Gorman, who had 
been in New York, came to Baltimore, went up to the Hotel 
Rennert and sent for Mr. Rasin. To Rasin he told the news that 
the Baltimore and Ohio had deserted McLane and was for Wach- 
ter. Rasin told "Billy" Porter, who had charge of the head- 
quarters in the Calvert Building, as secretary to the committee 
of seven, of which Mr. D. H. Thomas was chairman. Thence 
the news spread. In the morning the report that the influence 
of the road was to be thrown to Wachter was published in The 
Sun. Morris Thomas the next day furiously denied it. He 
went to McLane and to Governor Smith and declared it to be a 
lie. They both looked on him with suspicion, but suspended 
judgment. The next day Daniel J. Loden, who always kept in 
close touch with the Mount Clare Shops of the road, brought to 
Mr. Rasin and to headquarters absolute confirmation that the 
road had already begun to send the word down the line among 
its employees there to be for Wachter. 

That settled it. Morris Thomas threw aside all pretense, and 
came out openly for Wachter, and from then until the close of 
the fight was the confidential adviser at the Wachter headquar- 
ters. Had it not been for the tip given by Mr. Gorman, Thomas 
could have continued in the confidence of Governor Smith and 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 307 

McLane up to the last moment, and might probably have brought 
about the defeat of the ticket. As a result of this incident Mor- 
ris and Sewell Thomas, his brother, quarreled violently, and it 
was not until long afterward that they made up. 

Not only did the Wachter forces have Baltimore and Ohio 
money, but there is no question but that they were supplied with 
considerable cash by "Bill" Jackson, who at this time entertained 
strong Senatorial aspirations and believed the election of Wach- 
ter would help him realize them. The Democrats, too, had plenty 
of money. Governor Smith was a liberal contributor, and the 
State people generally pitched in and helped swell the campaign 
fund. Roger W. Cull was the independent Democrat who took 
a prominent part in the campaign in behalf of Wachter. Nearly 
every other man who was prominent as an independent came 
out for McLane. Mr. Cull supported Wachter and made a great 
speech, urging his election at the Lyric at the close of the cam- 
paign. 

The Reform League in this fight cut a right foolish figure. 
Mr. Bonaparte did not want to support Wachter, and yet it 
rasped him a lot to think of Democratic success. There were 
various meetings of the executive committee, at which there was 
considerable straddling done. Messrs. Venable and Bruce, both 
of them then members of the committee, insisted that if the league 
proposed to investigate the records of Gephart and Hooper it 
also investigate Hefifner and Timanus, and not make the investi- 
gation one-sided. In the end, the league practically did nothing, 
indorsing neither McLane nor Wachter. Marbury, Bruce, Ray- 
ner and others spoke for McLane, while Gaither, Putzel, Mc- 
Comas, J. Stuart McDonald and Cull were on the stump for 
Wachter. 

It was a short but sharp campaign, in which many canards 
and false alarms were sprung. The election was held on May 5 
and McLane's official majority was 520. Heffner was elected 
by 739 and Timanus by 2,018. Both of McLane's running mates 
— Hooper and Gephart — went down to defeat, because of the 
special fight made against them as Rasin men. Of course, Wach- 
ter and his friends claimed that the Republican organization sold 
him out, and had made a deal bv which it had saved the two 



308 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Stone men on the ticket and let him go. The facts do not seem 
to bear this out. 

Wachter and his friends also charged "fraud" against the Dem- 
ocrats with loud voices. They declared that every known politi- 
cal trick had been turned to beat him; that he had been deliber- 
ately counted out ; that ballots had been purposely torn and pur- 
posely spoiled by judges wearing lead rings, with which they de- 
faced the tickets. Immediately, he filed notice of a contest 
against McLane, employing Roger W. Cull, William Pinkney 
Whyte, Lewis Putzel, George R. Gaither, Morris A. Soper and 
Thomas Ireland Elliott as counsel. McLane, to defend himself, 
had as counsel Bernard Carter, John P. Poe and Wiliam Cabell 
Bruce. 

The day after the election some excitement was created 
through the discovery of George N. Lewis, James W. Lewis and 
the notorious Democratic negro, "Tom" Smith, in the back room 
of the Supervisors of Elections office with the ballot boxes. 
Charges that they were attempting to tamper with the ballots 
were loudly made and there was much of a furor. The truth 
about the matter, was simply this : "Tom" Smith was always em- 
ployed by the Democratic organization on election day to keep 
negroes away from the polls. Sometimes he was able to keep 50 
and sometimes as many as 1 50. He was always paid so much per 
negro for everyone whom he kept away. The day after election 
"Tom" Smith, with his list of voters, came down town, and 
George and "Jim" Lewis were checking the names off from the 
registration books, which showed whether or not those negroes had 
Aoted. Not a very creditable proceeding, but that was the truth. 

There were four precincts from which there were no returns, 
the judges being unable to agree and refusing to sign. Under 
the opinion of Mr. Bernard Carter, counsel to the board, the 
Supervisors declined to count these precincts and ordered the 
boxes sealed and put away. After weeks and weeks of agitation, 
and long after McLane had been inaugurated, the Court ordered 
a count of these four precincts. It was believed by Wachter's 
friends that this count would show the "defaced" ballots and 
other things claimed by them, as well as reduce McLane's plur- 
ality. The count was made in the Southwestern Police Station, 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 309 

by the counsel on both sides. No fraud was disclosed and the 
net result was to slightly increase McLane's vote. After that 
there was no more talk of contest. There may have been fraud 
in this election ; there probably is some in nearly every election, 
but it is very doubtful whether it was sufficient to affect the result 
one way or the other. 

The City Council elected with McLane was as follows : 

SECOND BRANCH. 

Districts — (i) John Hubert, Democrat; (2) Edwin C. Living- 
ston, Democrat; (3) George Stewart Brown, Democrat; (4) 
B. Frank Kelly, Republican. 

FIRST BRANCH. 

Wards — (i) George Konig, Democrat; (2) William B. Smith, 
Democrat; (3) William H. Weissager, Republican; (4) Louis D. 
Greene, Democrat; (5) Joseph Seidenman, Republican; (6) Ste- 
phen C. Little, Democrat; (7) James Davis, Democrat; (8) John 
H. Hall, Democrat; (9) Anthony G. Watson, Democrat; (10) 
Bernard J. Lee, Democrat; (11) Duke Bond, Democrat; (12) 
J. Barry Mahool, Democrat; (13) Roger T. Gill, Democrat; 
(14) Bushrod M. Watts, Democrat; (15) Beverly W. Smith, 
Democrat; (16) Evan H. Morgan, Democrat; (17) Hiram 
Watty, Republican; (18) Harry W. Nice, Republican; (19) Wil- 
liam W. Radcliffe, Democrat; (20) C. Albert Kollmeyer, Repub- 
lican; (21) Andrew J. Utz, Republican; (22) Albert M. Sproes- 
ser, Republican; (23) Charles H. Heintzeman, Republican; (24) 
Henry J. C. Hoffman, Democrat. 

By this it will be seen that while the President of the Second 
Branch and the Comptroller of the new administration were Re- 
publicans, the City Council in both branches was Democratic, 
and on joint ballot the Democrats had nineteen and the Repub- 
licans 14 votes. This made it possible for the Democrats to 
elect a City Register. Right after the new members of the Coun- 
cil were sworn in the subject came up for consideration by the 



310 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS, 

Democratic leaders. John Hannibal, who had regarded Harry 
F. Hooper, the defeated candidate for Comptroller as a sort of 
protege and who felt sorry for him, went to Mr. Rasin and urged 
that Hooper be named. Rasin told Hannibal, in the presence of 
two other men, that he could have the place for himself if he 
wanted it. Hannibal insisted that it ought to go to Hooper ; that 
Hooper had made a good fight for Comptroller and that he would 
rather see him get it. Rasin agreed. The word was passed down 
the line and that night the Council met and Hooper got every 
Democratic vote and was elected. When the news of his election 
reached him he was in Mr. Hannibal's office and was so overcome 
with gratitude that he wept. At the time he took office his friends 
in the Sixth ward were jubilant over their success in making him, 
and he was extremely popular with them. In a very short while 
he fell out with Hannibal. Then he fell out with "Jini" Lewis 
and Emil Goetzke, and it was not long before the people over in 
the ward who had been most enthusiastic for him were heartily 
cursing him. Almost from the time he was elected he broke off 
his friendship with Hannibal and ceased going to his office. His 
former friends in the ward said that prosperity had proved too 
much for him, and that he had a "swelled head." Whatever the 
cause, it is certain that a very short time after he became City 
Register Hooper lost most of his old political friends in the Sixth 
ward and began to train with an entirely different crowd. 

Soon after his inauguration Mayor McLane began to have 
trouble with his appointments. All the old regulars who had 
been out in the cold during the four years of the Hayes adminis- 
tration were clamoring for office. They besieged "Old Man" 
Rasin until he was nearly frantic, and they thronged the City 
Hall. McLane desired to make good his promises during the 
campaign that he would appoint none but Democrats to office, 
and that if the organization would put good men up to him they 
should have the preference. He carried this out to the letter. 
Further than this, he recognized Mr. Rasin as the organization 
head and conferred with him. In order to shift the burden off 
his own shoulders, however, Mr. Rasin did not hesitate to tell his 
followers, "I can't do anything with that fellow, McLane. He is 
going to be another Hayes. He has thrown the organization 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 311 

down. I have no influence with him." This relieved the "Old 
Man" a good deal, but it made the burden harder for McLane. 

Most of McLane's appointments were perfectly satisfactory to 
Rasin. Some of them were not, but he had no just cause of 
complaint. He was perfectly satisfied with the appointment of 
Henry Williams for City Collector. The reappointment of Ed- 
ward D. Preston as Building Inspector was exactly what he 
wanted. He indorsed the appointment of Wilbur F. Coyle for 
City Librarian, and he was satisfied with the reappointment of 
McCuen as Superintendent of Lamps and Lighting. He did not 
want City Engineer B. T. Fendall reappointed, and did all he 
could to prevent it, but he failed. McLane insisted upon reap- 
pointing him and did so, chiefly for William L. Marbury, whose 
influence it has been that has kept Mr. Fendall in office every time 
a fight has been made against him, and who secured his appoint- 
ment from Hayes in the first place. 

McLane was anxious not to reappoint Water Engineer Quick, 
and would have named in his place any good man whom the or- 
ganization put up. The trouble was that the organization had 
no candidate for the place possessing the charter qualifications to 
fill it. After waiting to the last minute in the hope of getting the 
right man for the place, McLane was finally forced to reappoint 
Quick, although those who were in close touch with him knevvr 
that he did so very reluctantly. Street Cleaning Commissioner 
Wickes was one of the few personal appointments made by Mc- 
Lane. The organization would have very much liked to have had 
this place, as it carried with it more small laboring places than any 
other. It was, however, the intention of McLane to see that the 
organization got these places, and he was carrying out this policy 
when he died. 

This brings the story up to the Warfield- Williams campaign 
for Governor, the Rayner-Smith fight for the Senatorship and 
the first of the suffrage amendments intended to disfranchise the 
illiterate negro voter. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 



The Warfield- Williams Campaign and How Each Came to be 

Nominated. 



In the political history of Maryland the campaign of 1903 that 
resulted in the election of Edwin Warfield as Governor and of 
Isidor Rayner as United States Senator stands out as an epoch- 
making battle. There were elected in that year for the first 
time since Senator A. P. Gorman became the acknowledged 
leader of his party in Maryland a Democratic Governor who cut 
loose from him politically and personally and a Democratic Leg- 
islature that failed to do his bidding when called upon. 

The combination of the two hurt Mr. Gorman's prestige as 
nothing else had, and destroyed the faith of his followers in his 
absolute political infallibility and power. It marked the one and 
the only time in their long and close association, covering more 
than a generation, in which Gorman and Rasin did not work 
together in complete understanding and harmony. In the Ray- 
ner-Smith fight for the Senatorship Rasin deceived Mr. Gorman 
from the start. He played him from the beginning, and at the 
end went squarely back upon the final agreement made in Sen- 
ator Gorman's Washington home, on K street, two nights before 
Mr. Rayner's nomination in the Democratic caucus at Annapolis. 

There had been numerous conferences at the Gorman house 
during the progress of the fight at which all elements, at one time 
or another, were represented. There had been "gentlemen's 
agreements" reached upon more than one occasion that had not 
held, and there had been various "understandings" that 
later proved to be "misunderstandings." This confer- 
ence was unlike any of the others. It was exclusive and 
supposed to be final. The situation at Annapolis had reached a 
point where Mr. Gorman saw it had to be ended. Only four men 

312 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 313 

were present at this conference. They were Senator A. P. Gor- 
man, Sr., State Senator A. P. Gorman, Jr., State Treasurer Mur- 
ray Vandiver and I. Freeman Rasin. An absolute agreement 
was there reached that the candidacy of Mr. Bernard Carter was 
to be dropped and that the heretofore divided organization forces 
were to center in caucus Monday night and nominate John Wal- 
ter Smith. Rasin agreed absolutely to this, and gave the number 
of votes in the city delegation which he could swing to the Smith 
banner. He went directly back to Annapolis and threw his fol- 
lowing to Mr. Rayner, playing the game in such a way that Mr. 
Vandiver and State Senator Gorman, as well as Smith's friends, 
with one or two exceptions, who did not trust him, were fooled 
up to the very moment the caucus assembled. There was no 
period of the fight, it is believed, when Gorman and Rasin to- 
gether could not have elected Smith. Rasin deceived Gorman 
and they both deceived Smith. When finally Gorman came back 
to Smith as the only solution of the situation, Rasin pulled the 
wool over his eyes and let him in for the most crushing defeat 
of his career. The inside story of the election of Isidor Rayner 
to the Senate is one of cold-blooded treachery and deceit almost 
unbelievable. Money also played a big part in the result. While 
up to this last conference Gorman had never been for Smith, there 
is not a shadow of a doubt that at that time he determined to end 
it by electing him, and that his betrayal by Rasin was an awful 
shock. 

Before going into the details of the Rayner-Smith fight it will 
be necessary to tell the story of the candidacy and campaign of 
Edwin Warfield, who was the Governor at the time. Mr. War- 
field had been for years a political and personal friend of Senator 
Gorman, and when in 1899 he aspired to the Democratic Guber- 
natorial nomination he thought he was entitled to Mr. Gorman's 
support. Mr. Gorman did not see it that way, and his friends 
fell in line behind John Walter Smith, who became the candi- 
date. Mr. Warfield felt his defeat keenly, and it can be stated 
truthfully that from that time on his feeling toward Mr. Gorman 
changed. He was no longer a Gorman man. He announced his 
candidacy again in 1901 — a year and a half before the campaign 
— and did so without consulting anyone. 



314 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Between the time of his announcement and of his nomination 
he saw Mr. Gorman but once, and spoke to him only once in 
connection with his candidacy, although everyone recognized that 
ii Mr. Gorman were against him he could not be nominated any 
more in 1903 than he could in 1899. This occasion was during 
the spring of 1903, when one day Mr. Gorman went into the 
office of the Fidelity and Deposit Company to send a cablegram 
to his daughter in London congratulating her upon the birth of 
a son. He went into Mr. Warfield's office and the two men talked 
about different things. Finally Mr. Warfield said: "Senator 
Gorman, a great many of my friends have asked me how you 
feel toward my candidacy for Governor. I have told them that 
in view of our long friendship I had no doubt at all that I could 
count upon your support." 

Senator Gorman listened to this but made no reply. He never 
did reply; he merely changed the subject and went out, leaving 
Mr. Warfield in exactly the same position he was before he 
came in. 

Soon after this Mr. Gorman made his only trip abroad. He went 
away without letting anyone know how he viewed Mr. Warfield's 
candidacy or whom he favored for the nomination. While he 
was away, yielding to the pressure of a good many friends. Col. 
Spencer C. Jones, of Montgomery county, came out as a candi- 
date for the nomination, and developed considerable strength in 
various parts of the State. None of the politicians, in either 
county or city, connected with the organization desired Mr. War- 
field. Practically all of them preferred Colonel Jones. Yet the 
undoubted public sentiment behind Mr. Warfield could not be 
ignored, and it was recognized that it would be a risky business 
to turn him down again. Mr. Warfield pursued his campaign 
steadily and gained strength all the time Mr. Gorman was away. 
Those who did not like him did everything they could to head 
him off and besought Mr. Rasin to turn the city organization 
over to Colonel Jones. Rasin wanted Jones, but declined abso- 
lutely to take the responsibility of defeating Warfield, arguing 
that it would mean the defeat of the city ticket at the general 
election. He said that this was Gorman's fight, and that Gorman 
would have to shoulder the burden. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 315 

Finally Mr. Gorman returned from Europe. The situation 
was laid before him by his friends, and, while he never openly 
made a declaration for Warfield, the word went swiftly down 
the line that the party would nominate him. Had Gorman and 
Rasin chosen, there is no question that they could have beaten 
Mr. Warfield out of the nomination again, but in doing so they 
would in all probability have beaten the whole ticket at the gen- 
eral election, because of the strength of Mr. Warfield with the 
people. The rank and file plainly and unmistakably wanted him 
as the candidate, and to nominate any other man would have been 
dangerous. After Gorman's return nothing more was heard of 
the Jones' candidacy, and Warfield got the nomination without 
a struggle. 

He was nominated at Music Hall on September i6, his name 
being placed before the convention by Joseph S. Tracey, of How- 
ard county. Mr. Gorman had been elected one of the delegates 
to the convention from Howard county, and Mr. Warfield was 
anxious to have him there to make a speech for him. Mr. Gor- 
man, however, absented himself and took no open part in the fight 
until the close of the campaign. On the ticket with Mr. Warfield 
were nominated William Shepard Bryan, Jr., as the candidate 
for Attorney-General, and Dr. Gordon T. Atkinson, of Somerset 
county, for Comptroller. Isaac Lobe Straus, prior to the con- 
vention, had made an earnest effort to land the Attorney-Gen- 
eralship nomination, but was turned down by the State leaders 
as a punishment for his revolt against them at the session of the 
Legislature of 1902. The Comptrollership was offered Joshua 
W. Miles, and also to Ex-Gov. E. E. Jackson, both of whom de- 
clined. Miles finally induced Senator Gorman to accept Dr. At- 
Icinson, of whom at the time few persons outside of Somerset 
county, had heard. The platform contained a ringing declaration 
upon the subject of white supremacy and a pledge that if given 
control of the Legislature the Democrats would take steps to elim- 
inate the ignorant and vicious negro vote. The ticket and the plat- 
form had the united support of a harmonious party, and the 
Democrats never went into a campaign under more favorable 
conditions. 



316 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

In the Republican camp, however, dissensions had split the 
party pretty badly. A combination of Sydney E. Mudd, William 
H. Jackson, Frank C. Wachter and the late Lloyd Lowndes 
sought the overthrow of Senator Louis E. McComas, then the 
State leader, with an alliance between him and Collector William 
F. Stone, the city leader. A bitter preliminary campaign was 
waged, but in the primaries the McComas-Stone forces over- 
whelmed the combination, and by a big margin controlled the 
State convention. This was the ticket nominated : 

For Governor — Stevenson A. Williams. 

For Comptroller — L. E. P. Dennis. 

For Attorney-General — George Whitelock. 

In Mr. Williams, the Republicans had picked what a great 
many people considered the biggest and best man in their party 
in the State. His high character, acknowledged ability, fine rec- 
ord and charming personality ought to have made him an ideal 
candidate. The platform upon which he ran, from a Republican 
standpoint, was a strong one, and the campaign he made an un- 
usually vigorous and effective one. His speech of acceptance, 
made in a little hall on Fayette street, was far and away the best 
speech of the campaign, and throughout the fight he had the bet- 
ter of the argument. Warfield's personal popularity and strength, 
together with the Normal Democratic majority and the power 
of the white supremacy appeal, however, made the Republican 
fight a hopeless one. 

After Mr. Williams' nomination the warring factions appar- 
ently united behind him. Congressman George A. Pearre pre- 
sided over the convention and Congressman Mudd made one of 
the speeches. Mr. Williams early satisfied the element that had 
been against him in the primaries by making it clear that he was 
not under the influence of Senator McComas, and that that gen- 
tleman was running neither him nor his campaign. Some dis- 
satisfaction was created by his insistence upon the election of 
John B. Hanna as State chairman in place of P. L. Goldsborough. 
Mr. Hanna had had practically but little experience in politics 
and was regarded with contempt by leaders like Mudd, who made 
all manner of fun of him and his methods. Still it was recognized 
as Mr. Williams' right to have his own man conduct the campaign 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 317 

and a grudging acquiescence was given in his choice. Mr, Hanna 
us chairman, in this and subsequent campaigns made a fine record 
and his selection was a fortunate thing for his party. 

In Baltimore the situation on both sides was complicated by the 
fight for local places. The Democratic city ticket was as follows : 

State's Attorney — Albert S. J. Owens. 

Sheriff — Eugene E. Grannan. 

Register of Wills — Bart E. Smith. 

Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas — Adam Deupert. 

Clerk of the Criminal Court — Sam W. Pattison. 

Clerk of the Circuit Court — Max Ways. 

City Surveyor — Raleigh C. Thomas. 

Judges of the Orphans' Court — Myer J. Block, W. J. O'Brien 
and Harry C. Gaither. 

The Republican city ticket was : 

State's Attorney — Morris A. Soper. 

Sheriff — William H. Green. 

Register of Wills — George F. Jones. 

Clerk of the Criminal Court — R. Holmes Wilbur. 

Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas — James H. Livingston. 

Clerk of the Circuit Court — Dr. Joseph Hart. 

Judges of the Orphans' Court — Riley E. Wright, David W. 
Jones and Moses Pels. 

City Surveyor — William T. Manning. 

It was in this campaign that one of the bitterest primary strug- 
gles that ever took place in Baltimore county occurred, in the 
contest for the Senatorial nomination between Milton W. Offutt 
and John S. Biddison. Congressman J. F. C. Talbott supported 
Biddison, while Offutt had the support of Walter R. Townsend 
and other men usually with Mr. Talbott. Mr. Townsend, how- 
ever, really made the fight for him, and the defeat of Mr. Offutt 
left some mighty sore spots which took a long time in healing. 
Tames E. Ingram was the Republican candidate for the State 
Senate in Baltimore county, and Mr. Robert Garrett was one of 
the Republican candidates for the House of Delegates, this being 
the first campaign he had made. Mr. Roger W. Cull supported 
the Republican ticket and in a memorable speech at the Lyric 
compared Gorman and Rasin to "skilled burglars," denounced 



318 THE STORY OP MARYLAND TOLITICS. 

"Bill" Garland as "the brute of the Third ward," and said that 
Governor Smith was his "partner in crime." It was in this cam- 
paign, too, that the late Judge James McSherry came up for re- 
election and had a tremendous fight, pulling through by a scant 
500 votes, notwithstanding the demand for his retention on the 
Court of Appeals bench by practically the whole Maryland bar, 
regardless of political affiliation. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 



The Real Story of the Smith-Rayner Fight for the Senatorship 
in the Legislature of 1904. 



A few days before the election of 1903 there was a conference 
of Democratic leaders at the Rennert, at which both Edwin War- 
field and I. Freeman Rasin were present. This was the only 
time during the whole campaign that Mr. Warfield and Mr. Rasin 
had got in the same room together. They had never liked each 
other, and Rasin was one of the few men who were not surprised 
at the "throw down" given the organization by Mr. Warfield 
after the election. He saw it coming and said so. 

At this conference Rasin made the statement that the Balti- 
more and Ohio influence was against Warfield and that the 
"word" had been sent out to that effect. To this Mr. Warfield 
warmly replied that he did not care how much "word" had been 
sent out or who had sent it ; that he knew the bulk of the em- 
ployees of the road were for him, and would vote for him re- 
gardless of pressure. At the time the Baltimore and Ohio influ- 
ence was with the Republican ticket. Just before the election it 
changed. Rasin always claimed he was responsible for the 
change, and that without it Warfield's majority would have been 
much smaller. Mr. Warfield thought Rasin's statement was 
made with the view of frightening him into putting up more 
money for the campaign. The election gave Warfield a major- 
ity of more than 12,000, and all the Democratic city candidates 
except Grannan were chosen. The Democrats elected more than 
a three-fifths majority in the Legislature and swept the State 
from one end to the other. Grannan was defeated by William H. 
Green for Sheriff, because of the cutting by the friends of John 
T. Couglar, whom he had beaten for the nomination. 

The members of the Legislature of 1904 who went in with 
Governor Warfield were as follows : 

319 



320 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

SENATE. 

Anne Arundel — Luther H. Gadd, Democrat. 

Baltimore City — James Young, Democrat; Clarence W. Per- 
kins, Democrat ; John Gill, Democrat ; John W. Thomas, Repub- 
lican. 

Baltimore County — John S. Biddison, Democrat. 

Calvert— L. McK. Griffith, Republican. 

Carroll — Johnzie E. Beasman, Democrat. 

Frederick — D. M. Devilbiss, Republican. 

Garrett — N. G. Palmer, Republican. 

Howard — Arthur P. Gorman, Jr., Democrat. 

Kent — Garrett Foxwell, Democrat. 

Queen Anne's — James E. Kirwan, Democrat. 

Somerset — S. Frank Dashiell, Democrat. 

Washington — B. Abner Betts, Democrat. 

Wicomico — Marion V. Brewington, Democrat. 

Allegany — David J. Lewis, Democrat. 

Caroline — Harry A. Roe, Republican. 

Cecil — Henry M. McCullough, Republican. 

Charles — George T. C. Gray, Republican. 

Dorchester — William F. Applegarth, Democrat. 

Garrett — Robert A. Ravenscroft, Republican. 

Harford — Thomas H. Robinson, Democrat. 

Montgomery — Spencer C. Jones, Democrat. 

Prince George's — Joseph S. Wilson, Democrat. 

St. Mary's — James J. Greenwell, Democrat. 

Talbot — Robert B. Dixon, Republican. 

Worcester — John P. Moore, Democrat. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany County — John J. Stump, William J. Feaga, William 
J. Jenkins, John H. Loar, Matthew Longbridge, Republicans. 

Anne Arundel — Enoch W. Downs, John M. Loman, Frank M. 
Duval, James O. Atwell, Democrats. 

Baltimore City — (First Legislative District) — Henry A. Bosse, 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 321 

Dr. Louis Becker, M. D. H. Lipman, W. H. W. Reed, Charles T. 
Evans, William I. Norris, Democrats. 

(Second Legislative District) — Henry Trager, William L. 
Orem, R. E. Lee Hall, G. C. Morrison, J. L. V. Murphy, Louis 
J. Roth, Democrats. 

(Third Legislative District) — C. J. Bouchet, J. C. Linthicum, 
George W. Moore, J. A. Dawkins, Chas. W. Grant, James O. 
Durham, Democrats. 

(Fourth Legislative District) — William H. Pairo, James E. 
Godwin, Daniel A. Lock, A. E. Miller, Charles W. Bald, W. G. 
Henkel, Republicans. 

Baltimore County — George Y. Everhart, C. E. Fitzsimmons, 
Allen Stevenson, Joshua H. Cockey, Carville D. Benson, John 
Green, Democrats. 

Calvert — Benson B. D. Bond, Oliver D. Simmons, Republicans. 

Caroline — Edward E. Goslin, Monroe M. Willey, Democrats. 

Carroll — Jesse W. Fuss, James D. Haines, Azariah F. Oursler, 
Joseph H. Kain, Democrats. 

Cecil — William T. Fryer, Samuel J. Keys, Democrats ; Cecil 
Kirk, Republican. 

Charles — J. DeB. Walbach, G. H. Smoot, Republicans. 

Dorchester— Dr. E. A. P. Jones, C M. Wingate, W. D. Hop- 
kins, J. H. Murphy, Republicans. 

Frederick — Eugene L. Harrison, William H. Harry, Philip 
L. Hiteshew, L. D. Crawford, James W. Smith, Republicans. 

Garrett — Elliot C. Harvey, R. A. C. Howard, Republicans. 

Harford — George W. McComas, D. H. Carroll of P., Thomas 
Hitchcock, Charles A. Andrew, Democrats. 

Howard — James W. Pearre, Matthew H. Gill, Democrats. 

Kent — Isaac Gibbs, Cecil R. Atkinson, Democrats. 

Montgomery — John W. Williams, Edmund L. Amiss, Walter 
A. Johnston, Benj. F. Lansdale, Democrats. 

Prince George's — Dr. R. S. Hill, Michael J. Tighe, Robert W. 
Wells, J. Enos Ray, Jr., Democrats. 

Queen Anne's — William R. Wilson, C. W. Butler, Charles R. 
Walls, Democrats. 

Somerset — L. M. Milbourne, Edward S. Miles, Lloyd Riggin, 
Democrats. 



322 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

St. Mary's — George L. Buckler, Democrat; W. T. Wilkinson, 
Republican. 

Talbot — William Collins, Richard S. Dodson, William J. Jack- 
son, Democrats. 

Washington — B. Mitchell, Jr., Palmer Tennant, Democrats; 
Harry E. Baker, Abner B. Bingham, B. F. Charles, Republicans. 

Wicomico — L. Atwood Bennett, G. Ernest Hearn, H. James 
Messick, Democrats. 

Worcester — Samuel K. Dennis, William G. Kerbin, W. Lee 
Carey, Democrats. 

The Rayner fight began before the election. Mr. Rayner, after 
much preliminary sparring, announced his candidacy on Septem- 
ber 22. John Walter Smith had been a candidate since the ses- 
sion of 1902, when Mr. Gorman was elected. Had he chosen 
to avail himself of proffered Republican support, Smith could 
have gone to the Senate then. So could his partner and friend, 
Gen. Francis E. Waters, to whom was made a similar offer. 
Both Governor Smith and General Waters refused to consider 
the proposals made to them, and Mr. Gorman knew it. After 
his election he gave to Governor Smith an unequivocal promise 
of support, and told him and his friends that he looked forward 
to having him as his colleague in the Senate two years later. 
Smith and his friends regarded it as settled. They felt that 
all they had to do was to work to insure a Democratic Legisla- 
ture in 1904. Both Gorman and Rasin had personally pledged 
themselves to Smith voluntarily and unequivocally, not once, but 
upon numerous occasions. 

No trouble with Mr. Rasin was anticipated. While he had 
been aggrieved over the first batch of Smith's appointments, he 
had apparently been satisfied with the next — and he ought to 
have been. He led Governor Smith to believe he was absolutely 
for him, and no one suspected the vindictive purpose deep down 
in him that Smith should never go to the Senate. When Rayner 
announced his candidacy. Smith's friends were not greatly wor- 
ried. They felt secure in tPie pledges given by Gorman and Ra- 
sin and in their ability to "deliver the goods." Also, they knew 
that neither Mr. Gorman nor Mr. Rasin had the slightest liking 
personally or politically for Mr. Rayner. Then The Sun took 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 323 

up Rayner's cause, and strongly backed up his demand for 
pledges from the Democratic Legislative candidates in the city. 
From that time on Rayner became a formidable factor. 

The fight made for him by The Sun created a tremendous 
sentiment for him throughout the State, and day after day he 
got stronger. Professing all the while to be hostile to Rayner, 
and for Smith, Rasin permitted the city candidates to pledge 
themselves to Rayner upon the ground that because of the fight 
The Sun was making for him failure to do so would beat the 
whole ticket. Smith and his friends unsuspectingly accepted this 
explanation. The fight began to get hot, with Rayner arousing 
the State with his eloquence and The Sun thundering editorially 
and locally in his behalf. Smith had no newspaper support. 

Still Smith's friends sat back in confident security. Walter R. 
Townsend, next to Talbott the strongest politician in Baltimore 
county, enlisted in Rayner's cause, and through him three of the 
Baltimore county candidates — Allen Stevenson, John Green and 
C. E. Fitzsimmons — declared for Rayner. Still Mr. Talbott 
himself was violently against Rayner, and the balance of the 
delegation were Mr. Gorman's, to do with what he pleased. The 
Smith people, knowing the votes Governor Smith himself con- 
trolled, and the number Rasin and Gorman could control, had no 
real doubt of his success. Then the Rayner petitions in the 
counties were started, Rayner mass-meetings held and the signa- 
tures of thousands of voters obtained requesting their represen- 
tatives to vote for Rayner. 

It was about this time that Ex-Governor E. E. Jackson, un- 
questionably inspired by Mr. Rasin, who throughout was his 
political adviser, announced his candidacy for the Senate. This 
was followed — after the election — by a similar announcement 
by Joshua W. Miles. This meant that the votes of Wicomico 
and Somerset on the Eastern Shore would not be for Smith in 
the caucus, but they had never been counted by the Smith peo- 
ple, anyhow, because of the antagonism that had existed between 
these two leaders and Smith since 1900. 

Gorman and Rasin first showed their hands as against Smith 
about two weeks before the Legislature assembled, when they 
turned down William Collins, of Talbot county, the Smith can- 



324 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

didate for Speaker, and settled upon Dr. George V. Everhart, of 
Baltimore county. It was not clearly realized then, but every- 
body saw later that had Gorman and Rasin not been against 
Smith at that time they would have made Collins Speaker. The 
determination to make Everhart Speaker was reached at a pri- 
vate conference between Mr. Gorman and Mr. Rasin alone. 
Rasin went over to Washington and saw Gorman at his home. 
When he returned the word went out for Everhart. Still Gov- 
ernor Smith could not believe that he had been "thrown down" 
by the men upon whose word he depended. 

The Legislature met, and then came the candidacy of Mr. Ber- 
nard Carter. Those who know most about the facts believe that 
it was Rasin who induced Gorman to break away from Smith. 
They say that Rasin convinced Mr. Gorman that Smith could not 
be nominated, and that the only hope of defeating Rayner was 
to bring out as a candidate some big Baltimore lawyer of such 
high standing and character that he would be justified in switch- 
ing the city's delegates away from their Rayner pledges. Ber- 
nard Carter was naturally the man decided upon, and it was 
Gorman who induced him to go into the fight after convincing 
him there was no hope for Smith. 

On January i6, after Gorman and Rasin had agreed upon this 
plan, a conference was held at Senator Gorman's home, at which 
were present Gorman leaders from all over the State, but no rep- 
resentatives either of Smith or Rayner. At this conference 
were present, too, Ex-Governor Jackson and Mr. Miles. It was 
supposed to be a very secret affair. It was agreed that Smith 
could not be elected and that Rayner should not be. Then the 
Carter candidacy was laid before the leaders and an understand- 
ing reached that on Monday night at the caucus the name of Mr. 
Carter was to be put in nomination. The organization forces, 
including those of Miles and Jackson, were to be swung to Car- 
ter. Mr. Gorman and Mr. Gorman's friends doubted not for a 
moment that he would be chosen exactly in the way "Charlie" 
Gibson had been chosen. They felt sure that as soon as the 
"word" went out the Rayner and Smith forces would crumble, 
there would be a wild leap for the band wagon and it would be 
all over. Probably it would have been if, as planned, the Carter 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 325 

candiHacy had been kept secret until sprung in the caucus, but 
Mr. Gorman failed to count upon two things — one was the double 
game being played by Rasin and the other the power of publicity. 

Within two hours after the conference broke out the program 
decided upon was known and the story of the gathering was pub- 
lished in full in The Sun Sunday morning. Governor Smith and 
his friends were stunned. They quickly woke up to the fact that 
they had been betrayed, and instead of collapsing started in to 
fight. On Monday morning The Sun followed up the story with 
an article headed "Carter's Election a Commercial Calamity," 
with interviews and editorials. Those two days of publicity 
caused the whole Gorman plan to collapse. He might have put it 
through if certain gentlemen who were in the secret conference 
had not given it away. 

On Monday afternoon Mr. Carter publicly announced his can- 
didacy. His son, Charles H. Carter, came to Annapolis to repre- 
sent his father, and the State House was in a turmoil. The cau- 
cus met with the Smith people desperate but determined. The 
Gf^rman plan had been to obtain a secret vote in the caucus. 
Smith's friends went in with the determination to force an ad- 
journment without action, and they succeeded by combining 
with the Rayner forces. Senator John P. Moore made the mo- 
tion to adjourn and it was carried. The Gorman leaders were 
"up in the air." They realized that someone had betrayed the 
conference, but they could not locate the man, and never did. 
The next day the first ballot for Senator was taken in the open 
joint session and resulted as follows: 

Rayner, 35; Smith, 29; Carter, 9; Jackson, 5; Miles, 4; War- 
field, 2; McComas, 38; Judge J. B. Henderson, 2. 

Those who voted for Mr. Carter were Senators Robinson, of 
Harford; Biddison, of Baltimore county; Beaseman, of Carroll; 
Perkins, of Baltimore city ; Jones, of Montgomery, and Delegates 
Everhart, Benson and Cockey, of Baltimore county, and Hill, of 
Prince George's. Arthur P. Gorman, Jr., cast his ballot for 
Edwin Warfield, as did also Gill, of Howard county. Miles got 
the four votes from Somerset and Jackson the four from Wi- 
comico, with the additional vote of Senator Applegarth, of Dor- 
chester. All the other Democrats voted for Smith and Rayner. 



326 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

On the next ballot Gorman and Gill changed to Carter, makingf 
his total II, which was the highest he received in the fight. Sen- 
ator Perkins had pledged himself to Rayner, and his violation 
of the pledge caused an outburst of indignation. 

Then Mr. Rasin went to Annapolis and took charge of the 
situation. For days he stayed there while the newspapers 
screamed with denunciation, and citizens of Baltimore seriously 
talked of organizing to compel him by force to leave the State 
House. He took up quarters in the Speaker's room, and from 
there directed the fight. After the break-up of the first caucus 
Governor Smith and Gen. Francis E. Waters went over to Wash- 
ington and saw Senator Gorman. Senator Gorman explained 
that Smith could not be elected because certain delegations would 
not vote for him. General Waters emphatically denied this, and 
showed Mr. Gorman that with the votes he had swung to Carter 
Smith could easily win. He recalled to Mr. Gorman his prom- 
ises to Governor Smith and asked him if he meant to keep them, 
and to send for the Senators he said would not vote for Smith, 
and in his presence ask them whether that was not the very 
thing they wanted to do if he would let them. Senator Gorman 
said that was what Rasin had told him, but that he had evidently 
been misled. He agreed to send for the Senators mentioned. 

General Waters and Governor Smith went back to Annapolis 
and waited for developments. None came and the situation re- 
mained unchanged. Another caucus was held, but it was also 
fruitless. Mr. Carter retained his ii votes, but got no more, 
and both Smith and Rayner held their forces intact. Then an 
invitation came from Senator Gorman for another conference to 
be held on January 23 at the Shoreham in Washington. Smith 
declined to go. He was asked again and then requested General 
Waters to go and represent him. At that time he had made an 
agreement with Jackson, which the latter afterwards broke but 
to which Smith stood. He sent word he would not attend the 
conference unless Jackson also were invited. Gorman insisted 
upon his coming, and finally Smith asked General Waters to at- 
tend and represent both him and Jackson. General Waters re- 
luctantly agreed. At this conference nearly every county as well 
as the city was represented by its Democratic leader. The situa- 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 327 

tion was gone over. Everybody there was against Rayner. It was 
shown that Carter could not win and that neither Miles nor 
Jackson had a chance. General Waters asked that a vote be 
taken of those present. One was taken and Smith had the con- 
ference unanimously, Mr. Rasin alone not voting. It was then 
agreed that Mr. Carter, who was present, should retire as a can- 
didate and Smith should be chosen. The votes were canvassed 
and enough were in hand to elect him, counting those whom 
Rasin could swing in the city delegation. A "gentleman's agree- 
ment" was entered into and the conference broke up. Rasin re- 
mained at the Gorman house an hour after all the others had left, 
returning late to Baltimore. , 

Again the Smith people regarded it as settled. The next day 
was Sunday. In the morning Mr. Carter called Governor 
Smith by telephone and made an appointment with him. It then 
transpired that circumstances were such that Mr. Carter could 
not retire. His friends insisted upon his staying in, and the "gen- 
tleman's agreement" was off. Smith and his friends went down 
to Annapolis the next day determined to keep on fighting. 

There was another week of turmoil and strife, and then Mr. 
Gorman determined to end the thing finally. He sent for Rasin 
and Murray Vandiver to come to Washington. These two, and 
his son, Arthur P. Gorman, Jr., conferred at his home. Rasin 
agreed to switch his city delegation in the next caucus to Smith. 
Carter was to be dropped absolutely. The thing was to be ended. 
Vandiver and Arthur Gorman came back to Annapolis jubilant. 
Rasin had finally pledged himself for Smith to Senator Gorman, 
and while he had deceived others, he had never yet deceived Sen- 
ator Gorman. Such was their belief. Smith and his friends were 
told by Vandiver and Gorman of the result. A caucus call was 
sent out, and all day Monday they thought at last the victory 
was in their grasp. Rasin, inscrutable and silent, was in the 
Speaker's room and at Carvel Hall. Some of Smith's friends 
did not quite trust him, after having been twice bunkoed. They 
had Vandiver and Arthur Gorman separately to go to him dur- 
ing the day for reassurance. Each went away with the statement 
that it was absolutely all right, and that Rasin would give the 
word out just before the caucus. 

Early in the day Ex-Governor Jackson, who had been at An- 



328 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

napolis from the start, silently folded his tent and went home, 
leaving his votes in the hands of Mr. Rasin. Joshua Miles did 
the same thing. Early in the afternoon Rasin sent for Senator 
Thomas A. Robinson, of Harford county, with whom he had a 
talk, the result of which caused Mr. Robinson to look very seri- 
ous indeed. The caucus met at 8 o'clock. Rasin was in the 
Speaker's room. Smith, General Waters, Vandiver, Buchanan 
Schley and others of the Smith leaders were in the lobby, where 
were also Rusk, Rayner, Townsend and a host of others. Be- 
hind the locked doors the members of the Legislature sat in 
the House of Delegates chamber while the form of putting the 
candidates in nomination was gone through. 

It was almost time for the roll call to begin when William 
Lee Carey, of Worcester, one of Smith's warmest and closest 
friends, went over to the city delegation and asked a man, Henry 
F. Bosse whom he knew to be ready to vote for Smith if any 
"word" had come. "No," was the reply. Mr. Carey went out- 
side into the Speaker's room. Mr. Rasin sat in there with Mr. 
George N. Lewis, "Tom" Fitzgerald and one or two other hench- 
men. 

"Mr. Rasin," said Carey, "you haven't sent any word to the 
city delegates." 

"Send Bosse in here," was what Rasin replied. 

Carey nearly broke a leg getting inside again and sending 
Bosse, of the city delegation out. Bosse went in, saw Rasin for 
about two minutes and came out. There was a rush toward him 
when he got back in the room. 

"It's Rayner," he said ; and it was. 

Mr. Rasin had waited until the very last moment before giving 
the word. In the end he had used one of Smith's close friends to 
get for him the man by whom he sent the word. He told Bosse 
to follow "Tom" Robinson, and that Robinson would vote for 
Rayner. It was Senator Robinson who led the break toward 
Rayner. He was the first Carter vote to go over. The Rasin 
city delegates followed him, as did the Jackson and Miles dele- 
gates and the other county delegates whom Mr. Rasin had held 
in reserve. 

It was as complete a betrayal as ever occurred. At the close 
of the caucus Arthur Gorman, who had at heart, always been for 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 329 

Smith, furious with anger, rushed into the Speaker's room and 
there shook his fist in Rasin's face and denounced him. 
"You Hed to my father!" he shouted. 

Rasin jumped up with clenched firsts and hotly replied. Friends 
got in between and separated them. 

Governor Smith took his defeat calmly, and like a man. He 
upbraided no one, denounced no one. All that he said was that 
he would always remember with gratitude the loyal support of 
his friends. In the course of the fight there were several times 
when Smith's friends pointed out to him his chance to buy the 
Senatorship. He refused, telling them he would rather not win 
than have to win that way. At one time his friends told him they 
knew the nomination was being bought by the other side and that 
if he would not buy it himself, they would do it for him. Smith 
emphatically declined to permit them to go further, and said, "li 
I have to buy my way to the Senate or have it bought for me I 
do not want to go." 

The Rayner adherents were wild with joy after the caucus. The 
odds had been all against Rayner from the start. Nearly every 
political leader in the State was opposed to him, and his victory 
surprised some who had been for him. There ensued a wild night 
in Annapolis. Every drop of wine, beer and whisky in the town 
was drunk, and in the morning nothing intoxicating was to be 
had for love or money. It ended the most sensational Senatorial 
fight in the history of the State and marked the break between 
Gorman and Rasin that was never healed. 

One of the regrettable things about it was the humiliation of 
Mr. Bernard Carter, who went into the fight only after being as- 
sured that Smith could not win. That the Pennsylvania Rail- 
road was in any way behind his candidacy is denied by men who 
are in a position to know. He went into the fight at the urgent 
request of Mr. Gorman, who pointed out that with him only 
could they defeat Rayner. Whatever may be thought of Rasin's 
treachery and deceit, the shrewdness with which he fooled the 
whole State is unparalleled in Maryland politics. There is no 
doubt at all that he planned the whole thing just as it happened. 
He took no one into his confidence and no one understood his 
game. After it was all over Mr. Rasin took no little pride in 
what he had done. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 



Governor Warfield's Break with Gorman and the Defeat of the 
First Suffrage Amendment. 



It was neither RepiibHcans nor Independents, nor the combi- 
nation of the two, that defeated the first sufifrage amendment 
offered in Maryland and designed to ehminate the negro vote. 
It was buried by Democratic votes and killed in the house of its 
friends. 

The idea of disfranchising the negro by means of a constitu- 
tional amendment was Senator Gorman's, and the 1903 campaign, 
which resulted in the election of Edwin Warfield, was made upon 
the promise that, if entrusted with power, the Democratic party 
would take steps to remove the negro from politics. Governor 
Warfield, Attorney-General William Shepard Bryan, Jr., and 
all the other candidates on the ticket were strongly in favor of 
the general proposition. Every Democratic orator in the cam- 
paign dwelt upon and elaborated the idea, and the suggestion 
everywhere aroused the most unbounded enthusiasm among the 
people. The "white supremacy" point was the one for which 
the audiences all over the State waited in listening to the speeches 
of the candidates and orators, and when it came they went wild. 
The three-fifths majority given the Democrats in the Legisla- 
ture of 1904 was undoubtedly due to the favor the general idea 
of eliminating the negro found with the people. 

After the election Senator Gorman set about formulating the 
amendment. Not a lawyer himself, he sought the advice and 
counsel of lawyers among his colleagues in the Senate. He got 
together a mass of material and ideas. He considered many of 
them for a long while, and then decided upon what he wanted. 
He then sent for Mr. John P. Poe, who put into concrete form 
the Gorman ideas. 

330 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 331 

The clause giving the registration officials power to determine 
the qualifications of any applicant, which was the rock upon 
which the amendment foundered, was not Mr. Poe's idea, but 
Senator Gorman's. Mr. Poe pointed out to Senator Gorman the 
manner in which he believed it would be attacked, and advised 
against it. Mr. Gorman, however, had been advised that that 
was an essential feature for any effective amendment and in- 
sisted upon it. It went in. In the campaign for the amendment 
Mr. Poe was accused all over the State by its opponents of hav- 
ing been responsible for this particular feature, to which in real- 
ity he was opposed. 

After Mr. Poe had put the amendment in shape Senator Gor- 
man took it back to Washington and there submitted it to various 
Senatorial lawyers for their opinion. By all he was advised that 
the shape in which the amendment was prepared would stand the 
test of the Supreme Court. That was the main point with Mr. 
Gorman. He did not want to run any risk as to the constitu- 
tionality of the amendment. He felt that if an amendment 
should be adopted in Maryland and subsequently knocked out 
by the Supreme Court it would be not only a reflection upon his 
intelligence but a terrific waste of time and effort. Hence he 
was determined to take no chance on this end, even if something 
else had to be sacrificed. One of the Senators to whom he ex- 
hibited the amendment as prepared by Mr. Poe, and whose opin- 
ion he asked as to its constitutionality, was the late Senator 
Hoar, of Massachusetts. 

Mr. Gorman afterward told Joshua W. Miles that Senator Hoar 
jaid: "Gorman, that is a hellish scheme of yours, but it will hold 
water." 

That satisfied Mr. Gorman and he had the amendment pre- 
sented in the Legislature. After that he would not consent to 
any change in the amendment. He did not want an "i" dotted nor 
a "t" crossed. The Democratic Senators and members of the 
House considered the amendment in caucus at Annapolis, and 
absolutely agreed upon it. Then came the break in the party. 
The first man who came out openly against the amendment was 
Attorney-General Bryan, who, while reaffirming his belief in the 
wisdom of disfranchising the illiterate and vicious negro, in- 



332 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Fisted that the amendment as proposed was not an honest nor a 
square one. He asserted that it placed in the hands of the regis- 
tration officials a dangerous power which they should not have, 
and that it placed the right to vote of every citizen in jeopardy. 
The Rayner-Smith fight for the Senatorship was out of the way 
by this time, and for the rest of that Legislature the suffrage 
amendment was the center of interest. 

Following Mr. Bryan's declaration, Governor Warfield came 
out in opposition to the amendment. A howl went up all ovef 
the State among the Democratic regulars, but the Governor ad- 
hered to his position. Such leading Democrats as Joshua W. 
Miles, probably the pioneer in the disfranchising movement; 
Gen. L. Victor Baughman, of Frederick, and many others who 
had been his friends, went to Annapolis and urged him to change. 
Both Governor Warfield and Mr. Bryan favored what was known 
as the Worthington amendment, which did not contain the ob- 
noxious registration provision, and which they considered fair. 
The Republicans and Independents meanwhile had for months 
been denouncing the whole plan as an outrageous and dishonest 
attempt of the "ring" to perpetuate its power. 

Some of the newspapers had taken a similar stand, and the 
attitude of Warfield and Bryan was hailed with delight. It had 
the effect of completing the break between Governor Warfield 
and his party organization, which had already started. It ar- 
rayed Democratic leaders all over the State against him and it 
severed the last thread that held him to the organization. He 
was denounced and cursed and condemned by the organization 
people in a way of which he could have but little idea. On the 
other hand he was widely commended by the opponents of the 
amendment as a fearless, honest and non-partisan Governor, who 
put the public interests ahead of party advantages. 

There was much excitement and intense feeling at Annapolis, 
which was increased when the Governor announced his intention 
of vetoing the amendment if passed. The Democratic leaders 
met this by refusing to present the amendment to him, thus giv- 
ing him no chance either to veto or sign it. They put it through 
both House and Senate by a three-fifths vote, and it was never 
presented to the Governor, the Democratic contention being that, 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 333 

having passed by a majority big enough to override the Gov- 
ernor's veto, he had no right to veto it. Their attitude was later 
sustained by the Court of Appeals. 

After the Legislature adjourned very little was heard of the 
amendment. Governor Warfield maintained his uncompromising 
attitude of hostility and the party leaders continued to abuse him, 
but quietly. The 1904 national campaign came and went, and 
finally on September 28 the Democratic State Convention of 1905 
was held. Governor Warfield was conspicuous by his absence. 
It was one of the few State conventions of his party in a great 
many years which he had failed to attend. Ex-Governor Smith, 
Ex-Governor Jackson, Ex-Governor Brown, Gen. John Gill, Mr. 
John P. Poe and prominent Democrats from all sections of the 
State were there. Senator Gorman was present and spoke, declar- 
ing that if the Democratic party were successful in adopting this 
suffrage amendment he would agree never again to seek public 
office at the hands of his party. Dr. Gordon T, Atkinson was 
renominated for Comptroller, and the amendment made the one 
issue. 

Soon after the convention the fight started. The Democratic 
Anti-Poe Amendment Association was organized. Mr. Leigh 
Bonsai and other active independents came out openly against 
the measure and put a tremendous amount of energy into their 
campaign. William L. Marbury, Edgar H. Gans, Roger W. Cull 
and many other leading lawyers in interviews denounced the 
amendment and the effort to force it through. Ex-Governor 
William Pinkney Whyte bitterly assailed it and the men back of 
it, and regular Democrats all over the city and in the counties as 
well began to rise up and protest. Although the campaign raged 
in this way for weeks and weeks, Senator Isidor Rayner made no 
declaration until near the close of the fight. Then he came out in 
an impassioned and powerful statement upon the first page of 
The Sun, in which he declared the amendment as drawn was 
opposed to the convictions he had held for a lifetime, and called 
upon the people of Maryland to defeat it. 

In this article he attacked the organization leaders and the 
whole scheme. It was the most telling broadside delivered in 
the fight, and except for the opposition of Warfield and Bryan 
counted more than anything else. 



334 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Rayner followed this declaration up with a public challenge 
through the newspaper to Senator Gorman to meet him in joint 
debate on the subject. He wrote a letter to Mr. Gorman pro- 
posing to engage the Lyric for the debate and asking him to 
name the time. Senator Gorman made no reply to the letter. 
He ignored it completely. Mr. Rayner and the public waited 
for days for an answer, but the answer never came. When 
asked by newspaper men whether he was going to answer Ray- 
ner's letter Mr. Gorman only laughed and changed the subject. 
He has not answered that letter yet. He ignored it just as he 
ignored the man who wrote it, and a more effective way of deal- 
ing with the Rayner announcement could not have been devised. 

Some of his friends, however, did answer Mr. Rayner, and 
the day following his declaration against the amendment Mr, 
Joshua W. Miles came out in a letter on the first page of The 
Sun, in which he charged Mr. Rayner, while at Annapolis and 
in the midst of his fight for the Senatorship, with having offered 
to sign a written agreement to take the stump for the amend- 
ment if Mr. Gorman would give him the Senatorship. Mr. Miles 
also charged Mr, Rayner with having asked him to tell Mr. 
Gorman this, and to tell him further that if he wanted him to he 
would go to the next national convention and make a speech 
nominating Gorman for the Presidency. He also charged Mr. 
Rayner with having offered to stump the country in Mr. Gor- 
man's interest, or to do anything else wanted of him if Mr. Gor- 
man would support him for Senator. 

The next day Senator Rayner published a letter in The Sun 
denouncing all of Mr, Miles' charges as untrue and denying that 
he had ever had any such conversation with him or had ever made 
any such offers to him or to anyone else. The day after that 
State Senator Thomas H, Robinson, of Harford county, pub- 
lished a letter in The Sun in which he corroborated Mr. Miles' 
charges in every detail. Senator Robinson declared that the con- 
versation between Mr, Miles and Mr. Rayner had taken place in 
Carvel Hall, at Annapolis, in his presence ; that Mr. Rayner had 
asked both him and Mr, Miles to go into a room with him, and 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 335 

had made the statements given by Mr. Miles, which he had then 
ysked them to convey to Mr. Gorman. 

Mr. Rayner denied Mr. Robinson's statements also. This inci- 
dent was one of the hottest in the whole campaign, and aroused 
a good deal of feeling. Although Mr. Rayner had then become 
his colleague in the Senate, Senator Gorman took no notice at all 
of his attitude, and in the speech he made at Ellicott City did not 
once refer to him, although he did to Governor Warfield. 

Just a few days before the election. Governor Warfield, who 
had for some months been quiet on the subject of the amend- 
ment came out in an interview in The Sun announcing his un- 
alterable opposition to it. Up to that time there had been some 
hope among organization Democrats that the Governor would 
not make any further effort to defeat the measure, but would 
content himself with his declaration against it at Annapolis. 
Senator Gorman answered Mr. Warfield's interview in one 
of his own, given out at the Hotel Rennert to a reporter of The 
Sun. 

In this interview Mr. Gorman deplored deeply the stand taken 
by the Governor and said he hoped he would not regret it. It 
was a remarkable thing about Senator Gorman that while his 
friends and followers all over the State were cursing and de- 
nouncing Mr. Warfield, he himself was not heard, either pub- 
licly or privately, to say a single bitter word about him. That 
he felt bitterly was well known to those close to him, but he was 
able to discuss Mr. Warfield and his course without any sign of 
feeling or heat. That was his attitude always toward those 
who politically opposed him. It was vastly different from that 
of Mr. Rasin, who used to sit by the hour and revile the men 
whom he did not like. 

Rasin played Gorman double again in the amendment fight. 
There is no question in the world that he was against the amend- 
ment and he did it, "under cover," vastly more harm than the 
whole Anti-Poe Amendment Association. It was Rasin who 
inspired "Bill" Garland to declare against the amendment, and 
a great many people still think that State's Attorney Albert S. J. 
Owens had some knowledge of Mr. Rasin's real attitude before 
he came out against the measure. It was Rasin who stirred up 



33G THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

the trouble in the Democratic City Committee, which resulted 
in the withdrawal of several executives who were not for the 
amendment, and it was on Rasin's advice that the city candidates 
refrained from pledging themselves for the amendment, which 
was what Mr. Gorman wanted them to do. At first Mr. Gorman 
had some suspicions of Mr. Rasin, but later became convinced 
that he was all right. 

All Rasin was really interested in was the success of his city 
ticket. He cared nothing for the amendment, and deliberately 
sent some of his followers out to oppose it and some to favor it 
in order not to have it drag down the candidates. 

The amendment was defeated by over 30,000, and it was a 
bitter disappointment to Mr. Gorman. He believed up to a few 
days before the election that it would win. Just before the elec- 
tion, however, he got wind of the real situation, so far as the 
city organization was concerned, and left here on Saturday after- 
noon, knowing it was doomed. It was at his urgent request that 
Mr. Frank A. Furst took charge of the fight for the amendment 
in the city. Mr. Furst was heart and soul in favor of the amend- 
ment. He was also a warm friend of Mr. Gorman. He con- 
sented to take charge of the amendment campaign committee, 
and the work that he and this committee did was practically all 
the work done for the amendment in the whole city. The organiza- 
tion — so far as Rasin was concerned — did nothing. Mr. Furst 
raised the money, gave up his time and put his heart into the 
fight. The tide was too strong and the treachery in the party too 
deep to check. On the same day the amendment was beaten, 
the following city officials were elected: 

Sheriff — George W. Padgett, Republican. 

Clerk of the City Court — G. Carey Lindsay. 

City Surveyor — Raleigh C. Thomas. 

Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench — Henry D. Harlan. 

This was the year Judge Harlan defeated Judge Thomas Ire- 
land Elliott, who ran as an Independent Republican candidate, 
polhng 30,000 votes. 

Dr. Atkinson was re-elected Comptroller over Henry McCul- 
lough, of Cecil county, his opponent, and the Legislature of 1906. 
chosen at the same time, was as follows : 



TEIE SrORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 337 

SENATE. 

Allegany — John B. Shannon, Democrat. 

Anne Arundel — Luther H. Gadd, Democrat. 

Baltimore City — (First District) — James Young, Democrat. 
(Second District) — Clarence W. Perkins, Democrat. (Third 
District) — J. Charles Linthicum, Democrat. (Fourth District) 
■ — Charles W. Jones, Republican. 

Baltimore County — John S. Biddison, Democrat. 

Calvert — Lewis McK. Griffith, Republican. 

Caroline — W. W. Goldsborough, Democrat. 

Carroll — Johnzie E. Beasman, Democrat. 

Cecil — Joseph L France, Republican. 

Charles — S. S. Lancaster, Republican. 

Dorchester — Joseph B. Andrews, Republican. 

Frederick — David M. Devilbiss, Republican. 

Garrett — W. McCulloh Brown, Republican. 

Harford — William B. Baker, Republican. 

Howard — A. P. Gorman, Jr., Democrat. 

Kent — Garrett Foxwell, Democrat. 

Montgomery — Blair Lee, Democrat. 

Prince George's — William B. Clagett, Democrat. 

Queen Anne's — James E. Kirwan, Democrat. 

St. Mary's — Francis F. Greenwell, Fusionist. 

Somerset — S. Frank Dashiell, Democrat. 

Talbot — Joseph B. Seth, Democrat. 

Washington — B. Abner Betts, Democrat. 

Wicomico — M. V. Brewington, Democrat. 

Worcester — John P. Moore, Democrat. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany — James Campbell. Jr., Robt. M. Hutcheson, John 
Mackie, W. McL. Somerville, John J. Stump, Republicans. 

Anne Arundel — Charles A. Duvall, William C. Shipley, Demo- 
crats ; James H. Murdock, C. H. Russell of J., Republicans. 

Baltimore City — (First Legislative District) — Robert J, 
Beacham, A. Cunningham. Jr.. Louis E. Melis, William C. Watts, 



338 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Republicans; Edgar N. Ash, Frederick W. Wilcox, Democrats. 

(Second Legislative District) — T. O. Heatwole, John L. V. 
Murphy, William L. Orem, Chas. R. Whiteford, Democrats; 
Allan Cleaveland, William N. McFaul, Republicans. 

(Third Legislative District) — Charles J. Bouchet, J. A. Daw- 
kins, Martin Lehmayer, T. Leigh Marriott, Democrats; Harry 
E. Banks, Fredk. T. Dorton, Republicans. 

(Fourth Legislative District) — Jas. E. Godwin, Zach. T. 
Green, Elmer J. Jones, W. Harry Pairo, Edgar M. Peterson, 
Benjamin M. Stone, Republicans. 

Baltimore County — James W. Ayres, Carville D. Benson, A. F. 
Brunier, John Gephart, Harry E. Goodwin, Sylvester J. Roche, 
Democrats. 

Calvert — James T. Ross, Alexander B. Duke, Republicans. 

Caroline — J. Alda Jackson, Willard C. Todd, Republicans. 

Carroll — Jacob A. Frederick, Robert Lee Meyers, Democrats; 
Luther M. Bushey, William E. Kolb, Republicans. 

Cecil — William B. Davis, Democrat; Alfred B. Cameron, W. 
A. Montgomery, Republicans. 

Charles — Bruce M. Wilmer, J. Carlisle Wilmer, Republicans. 

Dorchester — John W. Hastings, Oliver W. Hubbard, George 
R. Percy, Democrats; J. Holliday Murphy, Republicans. 

Frederick — Aaron A. Anders, Charles C. Eyler, George J. 
Luckey, William L. Richards, Chas. A. Nicodemus, Republicans. 

Garrett — Charles A. Ashby, Nathan R. Selby, Republicans. 

Harford — Charles A. Andrew, Harry C. Lawder, Walter R. 
McComas, Edmund L. Oldfield, Democrats. 

Howard — Matthew H. Gill, James W. Pearre, Democrats. 

Kent — Curtis E. Crane, Isaac Gibbs, Democrats. 

Montgomery — Walter C. Carroll, Chas. H. Griffith, Louis B. 
Scholl, Democrats ; David H. Fenton, Republican. 

Prince George's — Richard S. Hill, Joseph K. Roberts, James 
Enos Ray, Democrats; Charlton Sasscer, Republican. 

Queen Anne's — E. H. Covington, Chas. L. Joslin, David P. 
Smith, Independents. 

Somerset — C. A. Lockerman, C. L. Whittington, Isaac T. J. 
Brown, Democrats. 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 339 

St. Mary's — William T. Wilkinson, Fusionist; C. V. Hayden,. 
Jr., Democrat. 

Talbot— William A. Kirby, Walter Weber, Wm. G. Quimby, 
Democrats. 

Washington — Harry E. Baker, John B. Beard, Abner B. Bing- 
ham, T. A. Brown, George T. Prather, Republicans. 

Wicomico — James O. Adams, Ebenezer G. Davis, C. R. Dish- 
aroon, Democrats. 

Worcester — William Lee Carey, Orlando Harrison, L. Paul 
Ewell, Democrats. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 



Changes That Followed the Death of McLane — The Timanus 

Administration and the Death of Rasin — Mahool's 

Election. 



Starting with the death of Robert M. McLane, in 1904, politi- 
cal changes of a far-reaching nature began to occur in Mary- 
land, altering the whole face of the Democratic party, and bring- 
ing about a chaotic condition out of which it has not yet emerged 
entirely. 

First, there came the tragic end of McLane, at a time when 
he was easily the most promising and hopeful figure on the 
Democratic horizon, with a career of political preferment and 
usefulness stretched invitingly before him. His death placed 
in the Mayor's chair a Republican — E. Clay Timanus, who had 
"been elected President of the Second Branch City Council, and 
who under the charter succeeded to the Mayoralty. Person- 
ally, Mr. Timanus was a big, fine, hearty, likable fellow, whose in- 
tentions are good. Politically, he is a strong organization Re- 
publican who has been active in politics for years and who had 
served several terms as a First Branch City Councilman without 
displaying any traits that raised him markedly above the aver- 
age Councilman. His nomination for the Presidency of the Sec- 
ond Branch was due to Collector W. F. Stone, who, when 
he became Mayor, was his adviser and guide. Had Mr. Timanus 
the power, there is little doubt that he would have cleared pretty 
well the Democratic job-holders out of the City Hall and sub- 
stituted Republicans. That he did not do so was due chiefly to 
the fact that, under the charter, he was unable to remove the 
heads of departments named by McLane. 

Other moves of the Mayor along lines of really legitimate par- 
tisanship were blocked by William Cabell Bruce, then City Solici- 

340 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 341 

tor, who in that position rendered much service to the city for 
which he got Httle credit. When McLane died, Mr. Bruce's 
incHnation was to resign at once. The Timanus administration 
urged him not to hurry, but there shortly came a time when it 
would have been overjoyed had he got out. The plain evidence 
of this joy was the deciding factor in Mr. Bruce's determination 
to stay. By sticking to the job he performed a high public duty 
at a considerable personal sacrifice. 

In the three years he was ]\Iayor Mr. Timanus was able to 
find places for no inconsiderable number of Republican workers, 
but they were put in without ostentation and through the quiet 
acquiescence of the Democratic heads of departments, who did 
not like to refuse a request from the Mayor, even though their 
own heads were safe. Charles E. Phelps, as Electrical Engineer, 
was the one man who showed courage enough to prevent Tima- 
nus from sliding Republican politicians into his department. The 
one big place over which he had power was that of Superintend- 
ent of Public Buildings, and he very promptly named George F. 
Jones, an old-time Republican politician, to succeed the Dem^o- 
cratic incumbent. Mr. Jones very promjDtly replaced the loo-odd 
Democratic workers whom he found in the department with the 
same number of Republican workers. The only man he left was 
the elevator man in the City Hall, and he, too, would have gone 
but for the fact that he was a very popular fellow with Council - 
men, newspaper men and politicians, and there would have been 
a howl. 

Probably the most important duty that confronted Mr. Ti- 
manus at the outset of his term was the appointing of a Sewer- 
age Commission to expend the $10,000,000 loan ratified the year 
before. Of the personnel of this commission no criticism was 
made, except of one member. A great many persons thought he 
should not have appointed William D. Piatt, who was chairman 
of the Republican City Committee and an extremely active Re- 
publican politician. Still, the Mayor's commission satisfied the 
public that does not scratch below the surface, and Mr. Timanus 
must be given credit for having tried to put the strongest men 
on he could. Among those to whom he offered places on the 



342 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

commission, and who declined, were Mr. Frank A. Furst, W. W. 
Abell and Gen. Felix Agnus. 

Like Hayes, Timanus guided by Stone played the game to suc- 
ceed himself, and he played it pretty well. As a political mentor 
and guide there are few persons in Maryland superior to Collec- 
tor Stone. Stone's judgment, his talent for management and po- 
litical shrewdness were all employed to prevent Timanus from 
making mistakes, and he was very successful. By being careful 
and taking Stone's advice always Timanus really made a very 
creditable record in the three years he had the job. A great aid 
to the Mayor in popularizing his administration was his secre- 
tary, Harry W. Nice, now the Republican supervisor of elections. 
Mr. Nice had served in the City Council and knew the municipal, 
as well as the political, game well. He had a lot of friends in 
both parties and helped not a little in bringing things to a pass 
so that when 1907 rolled around Timanus was the Stone candi- 
date for the nomination. 

While Timanus was Mayor Mr. Stone and Congressman 
Frank C. Wachter had patched up their differences. Stone was 
for Wachter just as long as Wachter wanted to go to Congress 
from the Third district, and Wachter knew it. The trouble 
with him was that he believed he had been elected Mayor before, 
and that if he could get the nomination again the people would 
sweep him into the office on his cry of "Victory and vindication." 
So, without divulging his determination to Mr. Stone, or to any- 
one save a few of his close friends like William M. Stewart and 
the two Broenings, Wachter went to Europe. Soon after he 
came back he announced his candidacy for the Mayoralty nomi- 
nation, and once again he and the organization locked horns. 

It was a different fight this time. In the first place, Stone, 
who was ill most of the time in the Wachter-Platt campaign of 
1905, was in good health, and personally directed the organiza- 
tion forces. In the second place, Timanus was a stronger candi- 
date than Piatt, and in the third place, Wachter was not as strong 
as he had been before, two of the most influential friends he had 
— John J. Hanson and George W. Padgett — having gone over 
to the Stone camp. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 343 

Still he made a gallant fight. He recognized that it was his 
last chance, and he staked everything on the outcome. For the 
first time in the various fights he had made he spent his own 
money, the financial support he had had in his other battles from 
William H. Jackson and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad being 
conspicuously lacking. Also, Congressman Sydney E. Mudd, 
who had been a tower of strength to him in his first contest, 
was not so vitally interested this time, and rather assumed a non- 
partisan attitude, although he would have liked to have seen 
Stone beaten. 

Wachter went into every ward and spoke, denouncing Stone 
and the "Custom House crowd" with unprecedented violence, 
and holding Timanus, Piatt, "Charlie" Montell and other of 
Stone's friends up to scorn. But he did not win. He was beaten 
fairly and squarely, and the result of the primaries closed his 
political career. Stone's candidates won in the primaries all the 
way down the line. Timanus got more than 5,000 over Wach- 
ter; George R. Heffner, for Comptroller, defeated John C. Frie- 
del, a Wachter man, and Dr. A. F. Grempler was nominated for 
President of the Second Branch over Samuel H. Tattersall, who 
had linked his fortunes with Wachter. 

The Democratic primary contest, however, was vastly more 
interesting and exciting than that of the other side, and in many 
respects was the most remarkable that ever occurred in the city. 
There were three candidates for Mayor and a big array of Coun- 
cilmanic aspirants. George Stewart Brown was the first of the 
Democratic Mayoralty aspirants in the field. Standing on a 
municipal ownership platform, he made a remarkable fight, and 
when it is realized that he had no funds, no newspaper support 
and was opposed by the corporations, and the banking interests 
of the town, the showing made by him was equally remarkable. 

The second candidate in the field was J. Charles Linthicum, 
who had served in the Legislature, and was at the time a mem- 
ber of the State Senate, filling out the unexpired term of Con- 
gressman John Gill. Mr. Linthicum built up a personal organi- 
zation throughout the city and had the aid of a number of influ- 
ential men. He also spent much money. 



344 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

The real interest, of course, was centered upon the organiza- 
tion candidate. Neither Linthicum nor Brown was acceptable 
to the organization people, and the same old difficulty that con- 
fronted the party four years before was again experienced. Be- 
cause of his splendid record as City Solicitor and his known abil- 
ity and experience, a great many people were anxious to have 
William Cabell Bruce as the candidate. 

Mr. Bruce had friends all over the city who were enthusiastic 
in urging him as the right man. One of these was John Hanni- 
ibal, and through him there sprang up a strong Bruce sentiment 
in East Baltimore. At one time Mr. Rasin had made up his 
mind to support Bruce, and so sent him word. Later he changed 
his mind, and showed a vacillation that was as unusual in him 
as it was demoralizing to his followers. Mr. Bruce did not an- 
nounce himself as a candidate, but petitions indorsing him for 
the Mayoralty were signed by hundreds of the best citizens in 
the town, and at one time it looked as if there were no way for 
the organization to get away from him. 

Day after day passed with Mr. Rasin undecided and the or- 
ganization people getting restive under the progress being made 
by Linthicum and Brown. Mr. Rasin began to show symptoms 
of uncertainty and uneasiness that made his friends wonder. 
Finally one day the "Old Man" went around to Ex-Gov. Frank 
Brown's office and begged him to take the whole responsibility 
off his shoulders. 

"You find the candidate," he told Governor Brown, "and I 
will support him. I will swing this organization for anybody 
you name and I don't want anything to do with it. I am not go- 
ing through another Hayes campaign with everybody blackguard- 
ing me. I'm tired of the whole business and want to get out." 

Governor Brown told Mr. Rasin he would be willing to take 
the job if Mr. Rasin meant what he said and would stick to it, 
but if there was to be any backing and filling he would drop the 
matter like a hot cake. Mr. Rasin, almost tearfully, assured him 
he would stand by anything he did. Next day the announcement 
was made that Governor Brown was going to pick the organiza- 
tion candidates. Mr. Rasin told his followers to go to see Gov- 
ernor Brown. Most of them thought it was a "frameup," and 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 345 

that Rasin, as usual, would pull the strings from behind the 
scenes. Practically no one believed the situation to be just what 
it was. 

Ex-Governor Brown took hold with vigor, and for two or 
three weeks held conferences in his office with Democrats of all 
shades and complexions. He conferred with the politicians 
like John Mahon and J. Frank Morrison and with business men, 
clubmen, reformers and others. Various aspirants presented 
their claims in person to him and others had their friends come. 
His office was the "mecca" and everybody in Democratic politics 
journeyed that way. At nights he used to see Rasin and talk 
things over, but every time the "Old Man" told him to go ahead 
and get his man. Several times he urged the Governor to hurry 
up and not let things drift too far. 

Finally Governor Brown made up his mind, and after satisfy- 
ing himself that the ticket would command the newspaper sup- 
port he considered indispensable announced it : 

J. Barry Mahool for Mayor. 

George N. Numsen for President of the Second Branch. 

Harry F. Hooper for Comptroller. 

The ticket as announced did not suit everybody, but it went. 
Ntimsen's friends and Numsen himself had been exceedingly 
anxious to obtain the first place on the ticket. Mahool was an 
aspirant for the Presidency of the Second Branch and had no 
thought of the Mayoralty. He was a Bruce man and was utterly 
surprised when Governor Brown sent for him and put the propo- 
sition up to him. He declined to give any answer until after he 
had seen Mr. Bruce. 

He conferred with Mr. Bruce and told him that he was for him 
for Mayor and would not think of accepting the nomination if 
Bruce would become a candidate. Mr. Bruce at once emphatic- 
ally insisted upon Mahool making the fight, pledged himself to do 
all in his power for his nomination and election and declared he 
was not a candidate. Then Mahool went back to Brown's office 
and accepted. Immediately Governor Brown called Rasin up on 
the telephone and told him, "Fve got my man." "Who is he?" 
asked Rasin. "It's Mahool," was the reply. "That's all right," 



346 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

replied Mr. Rasin, "he suits me. Besides that, he is a relative 
of mine." 

That night the writer of this book went to Mr. Rasin's housv^ 
for The Sun to talk with him about Mahool. Mr. Rasin sat in 
his den upstairs and talked enthusiastically of Governor Brown's 
choice. He said the ticket would win and that there would be 
no more trouble. He followed the writer downstairs and out to 
ihe vestibule door, still talking about what a good candidate Ma- 
hool would make. The last thing he said was: "If you say 
anything about him in the paper don't forget that he is a Scotch- 
man by descent — not Irish." Mr. Rasin went back into the house 
and into his parlor. He sat there for a few minutes talking with 
his sons, Carroll and John F. Rasin. He started to get up to go 
upstairs when he was stricken and fell to the floor. He was 
carried upstairs, but never recovered. His attack was kept quiet 
and the story of his illness did not get into the newspapers for 
several days, but he was stricken on the very night Mahool agreed 
to run. 

Mr. Rasin lingered for several days and then died. In his 
death there passed a political leader whose astuteness and ability 
it is hard to exaggerate. No man in politics in Maryland ever 
received a tithe as much of the abuse and denunciation as was 
heaped upon him. Some of it he deserved ; some of it he did not. 
A good deal of injustice was done him, and personally he was 
as interesting a man as ever lived in Maryland. With his death 
came confusion for the organization which he had so long held 
together. 

Utter demoralization was prevented by the fact that Governor 
Brown had already taken the reins and was driving the machine. 
The Rasin people flocked to him, and for a while he was hailed 
as a leader. It was recognized, however, that he was not and 
could not be a real leader, and that the mantle of control of the 
workers must inevitably fall upon the shoulders of the next 
strongest man. This man unquestionably was John J. Mahon. 

John Mahon, next to Mr. Rasin, had more political friends and 
a bigger political following than any other man in the city. Never 
able to beat Mr. Rasin in the primaries, he was frequently able 
to beat Mr. Rasin's candidates in the general election. For many 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 347 

years he had been Mr. Rasin's right-hand man. Then there came 
a break, and for many years there was a bitter feud between 
them. After the McLane election, however, a truce was patched 
up, and once more the two men worked in harmony, John 
Mahon always retaining, however, his own political strength 
and keeping in a position where he could cut loose again if neces- 
sary. 

When Mr. Rasin died it left Mahon as the only man with a 
following who knew the real details of ward and city politics, 
and who could play them practically. The result was that he 
became the real leader. Governor Brown kept to the front for 
the sake of the ticket, and Mahon was anxious that he should, 
not desiring to be made an issue or to have the guns of news- 
paper criticism trained upon him too directly. 

The Mayoralty vote on the Democratic side that year was: 
Mahool, 23,906; Brown, 9,285; Linthicum, 7,135. 

In the Republican primaries Timanus got 19,765 and Wachter 
14,385. George R. Heffner was nominated for Comptroller over 
John C. Friedel, and Dr. A. E. F. Grempler defeated Samuel H. 
Tattersall for President of the Second Branch. Neither George' 
N. Numsen for President of the Second Branch nor Harry F. 
Hooper for Comptroller was opposed in the Democratic primar- 
ies. There was strong opposition to Hooper among an element 
of Democrats, but this was kept down by Ex-Governor Brown, 
who insisted that there must be party harmony. 

The Councilmanic ticket nominated by the two parties was : 

SECOND BRANCH. 

First District — George Konig, Democrat; Theodore S. Lud- 
wig. Republican. 

Second District — ^James Davis, Democrat; James Carey, Re- 
publican. 

Third District — Duke Bond, Democrat ; Ruf us W. Applegarth, 
Republican. 

Fourth District — E. H. Hargrave, Democrat ;' Charles H. * 
Heintzeman, Republican. 



348 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

P'IRST BRANCH. 

First Ward — John H. Trautfelder, Democrat; Robert J. 
Beacham, Republican. 

Second — Dr. George Heller, Democrat ; John W. Lohmiller, 
Republican. 

Third — William Stewart Brown, Democrat ; Edward W. Klein, 
Republican. 

Fourth — L. D. Greene, Democrat ; Edward Delacour, Repub- 
lican. 

Fifth — W. W. Cherry, Democrat ; Bernhard Dietz, Republican. 

Sixth — John Betz, Jr., Democrat ; W. C. Watts, Republican. 

Seventh — H. W. Jackson, Democrat; David Heller, Repub- 
lican. 

Eighth — Isaac Frank, Democrat; John Kronmiller, Repub- 
lican. 

Ninth — Charles R. Whiteford, Democrat ; Dr. Charles E. Gan- 
line, Republican. 

Tenth — Bernard J. Lee, Democrat ; William C. Schuchardt, 
Republican. 

Eleventh — T. Rowland Slinglufif, Democrat ; Addison E. Mulli- 
kin. Republican. 

Twelfth— Timothy O. Heatwole, Democrat; William O. At- 
wood. Republican. 

Thirteenth — Samuel L. West, Democrat; George E. Mann, 
Republican. 

Fourteenth — Bushrod M. Watts, Democrat ; Augustus C. Bins- 
wanger. Republican. 

Fifteenth — Ruxton M. Ridgely, Democrat; Henry A. Ulrich, 
Republican. 

Sixteenth — C. E. F. Schroeder, Democrat; Robert D. Mc- 
Curdy, Republican. 

Seventeenth — Oregon Milton Dennis, Democrat ; Harry S. 
Cummins (colored), Republican. 

Eighteenth — Frederick T. Hellman, Democrat; Richard M. 
Sheckels, Republican. 

Nineteenth — L. Bates Etchison, Democrat; John S. Moke, Re- 
publican. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 349 

Twentieth — Henry L. Wienefeld, Democrat; Charles L. Kohl- 
stead, Republican. 

Twenty-First — Dr. Joseph E. Muse, Democrat; William H. 
Leonhauser, Republican. 

Twenty-Second — Chas. Griebel, Democrat; Albert M. Sproes- 
ser, Republican, 

Twenty-Third — William Hiller, Democrat; Z. T. Green, Re- 
publican. 

Twenty- Fourth — H. J. C. Hoffman, Democrat; William Allen, 
Republican. 

The campaign that followed was a hot one. The Brown and 
Linthicum forces swung into line behind Mahool and the whole 
ticket. Nearly all of the independents supported Mahool, and 
there was some disaffection in the Republican ranks among the 
Wachter followers. Both The Sun and the Evening Nfews 
supported the Democratic ticket vigorously, and there seemed 
every reason to anticipate a rousing big majority such as was 
given Hayes in 1899. Everybody thought there would be such 
a majority. The party had not been so united in years, but it 
did not materialize. 

Mahool won by a little less than 4,000; Numsen and Hooper 
both ran far ahead in the matter of pluralities, Numsen getting 
over 8,000 and Hooper over 7,000, but their total vote was not 
as large as tliat of Mahool, thus showing that Mahool did not 
run behind his ticket, but that a great many voters voted for 
Timanus and for no one else. The only possible conclusion to 
be drawn from the figures was that Timanus was an exception- 
ally strong candidate, and had made a mighty fine showing as a 
vote-getter under the circumstances. 

The City Council elected with Mahool was overwhelmingly 
Democratic. It was composed of : 

SECOND BRANCH. 

First District — George Konig. 

Second District — James Davis. 

Third District — Duke Bond. 

Fourth District — Charles H. Heintzeman. 



350 THE STOBY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

FIRST BRANCH. 

First Ward — John H. Trautf elder. 

Second — Dr. George Heller. 

Third — Edward W. Klein. 

Fourth — Louis D. Greene. 

Fifth— W. W. Cherry. 

Sixth — John Betz, Jr. 

Seventh — Howard W. Jackson, 

Eighth — Isaac Frank. 

Ninth— Charles R. Whiteford. 

Tenth — Bernard J. Lee. 

Eleventh — Addison E. Mullikin. 

Twelfth — Timothy O. Heatwole. 

Thirteenth — Samuel L. West. 

Fourteenth — Augustus C. Binswanger. 

Fifteenth — Henry A. Ulrich. 

Sixteenth — Robert D. McCurdy. 

Seventeenth — Harry S. Cummings (colored). 

Eighteenth — Frederick T. Hellman. 

Nineteenth — L. Bates Etchison. 

Twentieth — Henry L. Wienefeld. 

Twenty-First — Dr. Joseph E. Muse. 

Twenty-Second — Albert M. Sproesser. 

Twenty-Third— William Hiller. 

Twenty-Fourth— H. J. C. Hoffman. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 



The Congressional Fights from 1900 to 1908. 



Before telling the story of the Crothers-Gaither fight for the 
Governorship, one result of which was the election to the United 
States Senate and establishment as the State Democratic leader 
of John Walter Smith, it is worth while to review the Congres- 
sional campaigns that immediately preceded it, showing who 
went to Congress and how. It was in 1900 that the second Bryan 
disaster again gave the Republicans the six Congressional 
districts from this State. Every Democrat was defeated and 
six Republicans were chosen as follows : 

First District — (Short Term) — Josiah L. Kerr. (Long 
Term) — William H. Jackson. 

Second — Albert A. Blakeney. 

Third — Frank C. Wachter. 

Fourth — Charles R. Schirm. 

Fifth — Sydney E. Mudd. 

Sixth — George A. Pearre. 

The defeated Democratic candidates of the year were : 

First District — (Short Term) — Edwin H. Brown. (Long 
Term) — John P. Moore. 

Second — J. F. C. Talbott. 

Third — Robert F. Leach. 

Fourth — James W. Denny. 

Fifth — B. Harris Camalier. 

Sixth — Charles A. Little. 

Preceding this campaign, both parties in Maryland had sent 
delegates to their respective national conventions at Philadelphia 
and Kansas City, Bryan and McKinley being the respective 
Presidential candidates. This was the first campaign in which 
William H. Jackson, better known as "Uncle Bill," was a candi- 

351 



352 TFIE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

elate for office. In 1898 John Walter Smith had been elected to 
Congress from the First District, but before he took his seat was 
chosen Governor and resigned. This made it necessary for both 
parties to nominate two candidates in the district, one for the 
long and one for the short term. Because he had the money and 
was willing to spend it, Jackson was named by his party for the 
long term. "Uncle Bill" justified the expectations of the Repub- 
lican county leaders. He opened up his barrel and a perfect orgy 
of vote buying and selling marked the campaign. He swamped 
his opponent, John P. Moore, with the unlimited campaign fund 
he put out, and was elected to Congress without once appearing 
on the stump or addressing the voters. From that time until 
his career was permanently checked by an overwhelming defeat 
at the hands of J. Harry Covington, in 1908, Jackson ruled the 
roost on the Eastern Shore, and it is estimated has spent from 
start to finish in campaigns close to half a million dollars. In 
one campaign alone, he boasted to Raleigh C. Smith, who ob- 
tained an interview with him at his home for the Baltimore 
News, that he had spent $50,000. 

Two years after Mr. Jackson was first elected, the Democrats 
regained two of the six Congressional districts — the second and 
fourth. The Congressmen elected were : 

First District — William H. Jackson, Republican. 

Second — J. F. C. Talbott, Democrat. 

Third — Frank C. Wachter, Republican. 

Fourth — James W. Denny, Democrat. 

Fifth — Sydney E. Mudd, Republican. 

Sixth — George A. Pearre, Republican. 

The defeated candidates were : 

First District — James E. Ellegood, Democrat. 

Second — William Tyler Page, Republican. 

Third — Lee S. Meyer, Democrat. 

Fourth — Charles R. Schirm, Republican. 

Fifth — B. Harris Camalier, Republican. 

Sixth — Christian F. Kenneweg, Democrat. 

Wachter had another narrow escape from defeat this time, 
and but for treachery in the Seventh and Eighth wards upon 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 353 

the part of Democratic ward leaders, Meyer would have been 
elected. 

In 1904, there was another Presidential campaign, Alton B. 
Parker and Theodore Roosevelt being the candidates. The dele- 
gates to the Democratic convention in St. Louis were : 

At Large— Arthur P. Gorman, J. F. C. Talbott, Murray Van- 
diver, John Walter Smith. 

District Delegates : 

First District— Joshua W. Miles and Richard D. Hynson, 

Second — Thomas H. Robinson and Frederick Von Kapf. 

Third — Frank A. Furst and John Hannibal. 

Fourth — John J. Mahon and Francis E. Yewell. 

Fifth — J. Frank Smith and George Wells. 

Sixth — Buchanan Schley and Arthur Peter. 

Senator Gorman did not go to the convention, but was repre- 
sented by his son, Arthur P. Gorman, Jr., and General L. Victor 
Baughman, whom he had made National Committeeman. Mr, 
Gorman shut himself up at his home in Laurel and denied him- 
self to all callers. He had for some months prior to the conven- 
tion been boomed as a candidate for the Presidential nomina- 
tion, but had said to no one that he desired it. Since Mr. Gor- 
man's death it has become known that he was, in fact, in full 
sympathy with the Parker movement, and had been one of those 
with whom Belmont, Sheehan and other of the Parker supporters 
had first consulted. Some bitterness w^as engendered at the State 
Convention through the selection of the delegates to the national 
convention. Rayner had just been elected Senator and was Mr. 
Gorman's colleague. He had intimated to the Gorman people 
that if permitted to go to the convention he would be glad to 
make a speech nominating Mr. Gorman. Mr. Gorman, however, 
decided to ignore Mr. Rayner and Mr. Warfield, who was then 
Governor, altogether, and neither was tendered an invitation to 
be a delegate. Mr. W. W. Abell was asked by Mr. Gorman to 
be one of the delegates at large, but declined the honor. Hold- 
ing a proxy for one of the delegates, Mr. John P. Poe attended 
the convention, and had much to do with the making of the plat- 
form, being at once taken into the confidence of David B. Hill 



354 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

and the other leaders there, who regarded him as one of the 
ablest men in the country. 

The delegates to the Republican convention, which was held 
in Chicago, were as follows : 

At Large — Louis E. McComas, William H. Jackson, Felix 
Agnus, Stevenson A. Williams. 

First District — P. L. Goldsborough and Henry M. McCul- 
lough. 

Second — James E. Ingram and Charles C. Gorsuch. 

Third — David W. Jones and William S. Booze. 

Fourth — William H. Green and Harry S. Cummins (colored). 

Fifth — Thomas Parran and A. A. Blakeney. 

Sixth — Thomas C. Noyes and Reno S. Harp. 

While Roosevelt carried the State against Parker, the Demo- 
crats in Maryland succeeded in gaining one more district — the 
First. "Uncle Bill" Jackson was defeated by Thomas A. Smith, 
in spite of the fact that this was the campaign in which he is 
believed to have spent more money than any man ever spent to 
go to Congress. Mr. Smith was a poor man, but he had the 
support of John Walter Smith, who financed and managed the 
Democratic fight in the district, and who fought Jackson with 
the same weapons used by him. "Uncle Bill" was tremendously 
exasperated. He instituted, through Sydney E. Mudd, a contest 
against Mr. Smith in Congress, but the efforts of Mr. Talbott and 
others rendered this unavailing. Jackson had by this time become 
a recognized State leader among the Republicans, and had 
strong Senatorial aspirations, which had been fostered by the 
Republicans by giving him the complimentary caucus vote in the 
Legislature upon several occasions. This bait enabled them to 
obtain from Mr. Jackson large sums of money for campaigns 
in the State. The candidates elected to Congress in 1904 were: 

First District — Thomas A. Smith, Democrat. 

Second — J. F. C. Talbott, Democrat. 

Third — Frank C. Wachter, Republican. 

Fourth — John Gill, Democrat. 

Fifth — Sydney E. Mudd, Republican. 

Sixth — George A. Pearre, Republican. 

The delegation, as a result of this election, was evenly divided. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 355 

The defeated candidates were : 

First District — William H. Jackson, Republican. 

Second — Robert Garrett, Republican. 

Third — Lee S. Meyer, Democrat. 

Fourth — William C. Smith, Republican. 

Fifth — B. Harris Camalier, Democrat. 

Sixth — Walter A. Johnston, Democrat. 

This was the first campaign in which Mr. Garrett ran against 
Mr. Talbott. He was his party's candidate in 1906 and again 
in 1908, and while he was beaten badly each time, he deserves 
credit for making what he knew to be a losing fight at a per- 
sonal sacrifice. Mr. Wachter defeated Mr. Meyer this time by 
over 2,000, his victory being due largely to the activity of cer- 
tain police friends, among whom might be mentioned General 
Thomas J. Shryock, tlien a member of the Police Board, and 
Bernard Ward, then a police captain. John Gill, at the time he 
was nominated, in the Fourth district, was serving in the State 
Senate. He gained the nomination after a bitter primary fight 
with Major James W. Denny, and carried the general election 
by nearly 1,800 plurality over William C. Smith. J. Charles 
Linthicum, who had been in the House of Delegates of 1904, 
was nominated the following fall to succeed Mr. Gill in the 
State Senate for the unexpired term. Linthicum's fight for the 
nomination marked one of the most extraordinary primaries ever 
held in Baltimore. His opponent for the nomination was Isaac 
Lobe Straus. Mr. Straus had the support apparently of every 
element of the party. He was strongly favored, on the surface, 
by L Freeman Rasin and the local organization. John J. Mahon 
and his friends were for him, and the J. Frank Morrison element 
endorsed his candidacy at a meeting of the Crescent Club. He 
had the support of The Sun and other newspapers, and a fine 
political record. Yet he was beaten. Various explanations have 
been offered. One of them was that Mr. Linthicum's campaign 
fund— this was before the day of the Corrupt Practices Act- 
was too big. Another was that there was treachery toward 
Straus upon the part of the organization people, and still another 
was that the enemies he had made in Annapolis at the session 
of the Legislature of 1902 had seized this opportunity to get even 



356 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

with him. Mr. Linthicum had the enthusiastic support of John 
Gill and James H. Preston, who were a tower of strength to him, 
and he unquestionably did spend a lot of money. When the fight 
began no one had any idea Linthicum could win, but its result 
gave a great many political persons a distinct respect for his 
prowess. Mr. Rasin was apparently enraged at the result, and 
furiously denounced ward leaders who had permitted Linthicum 
to carry their wards over Straus. 

The Congressional campaign that followed — 1906 — had one 
big feature. It was the "vindication" of Uncle Bill Jackson. He 
went into the fight determined to defeat "Tom" Smith, no mat- 
ter how much money it cost. He succeeded, but no such sum of 
money ever before flooded the First District. So enormous was 
the amount spent by Mr. Jackson that public attention was cen- 
tered on Eastern Shore conditions, and a wave of indignation 
went over the State, but Mr. Jackson got the seat. The list of 
Congressmen elected that year were : 

First District — William H. Jackson, Republican. 

Second — J. F. C. Talbott, Democrat. 

Third — Harry B. Wolf, Democrat. 

Fourth — John Gill, Democrat. 

Fifth— Sydney E. Mudd. 

Sixth — George A. Pearre. 

The defeated candidates were : 

First District — Thomas A. Smith, Democrat. 

Second — Robert Garrett, Republican. 

Third — W. W. Johnson, Republican. 

Fourth — John V. L. Findlay, Jr., Repubhcan. 

Fifth — George N. 'Smith, Democrat. 

Sixth — Herman Spessard, Democrat. 

In 1908, the last Presidential campaign, was one of the most 
interesting, and by far the closest ever waged in Maryland. 
Bryan and Taft were the candidates. Twice had Maryland gone 
against Bryan by overwhelming majorities — once as high as 
30,000. This time, Taft carried the State by the slender plural- 
ity of 512, but Bryan got seven of the eight electors. Much of 
this showing was due to John Walter Smith, who had then be- 
come the State leader, and who had his heart in the Bryan fight. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 357 

It was Senator Smith's attitude of enthusiastic support that com- 
pelled the organization to make a far more sincere fight for 
Bryan than they ever did before, and enabled the candidate to 
make a better showing in this State than in any other in the 
country. The Sun made a vigorous fight for Taft, and with V 
no newspaper support, and the element swayed by the press 
solidly against the party, the showing made was remarkable. The 
attitude of Governor Crothers and the State administration was 
also a big factor in the fight, and tended to solidify the party 
ranks for Bryan in a way that had not been approached in 1896 
or 1900. 

The delegates to the Democratic National Convention held in 
Denver in 1908, and the Presidential electors for Maryland in 
that year, were: 

Delegates at Large — Governor Austin L. Crothers, General 
. Murray Vandiver, Attorney-General Isaac Lobe Straus, Con- 
gressman J. F. C. Talbott. 

District Delegates : 

First — Andrew W. Woodall, Kent; W. Grason Winterbottom, 
Dorchester. 

Second — Charles H. Dickey, Baltimore county ; T. Herbert 
Shriver, Carroll. 

Third — John J. Mahon, Baltimore; John Hubert, Baltimore. 

Fourth — S. S. Field, Baltimore; Daniel J. Loden, Baltimore. 

Fifth — Jackson H. Ralston, Prince George's; J. Frank Smith, 
St. Mary's. 

Sixth — Blair Lee, Montgomery; Gilmor S. Hammill, Garrett. 

Presidential Electors: 

At Large — James W. Denny, James Enos Ray. 

First — Edwin H. Brown, Queen Anne's. 

Second — John F. Williams, Baltimore. 

Third — Dr. Hanson H. Biedler, Baltimore. 

Fourth — John Charles Linthicum, Baltimore. 

Fifth— William H. Hellen, Calvert. 

Sixth — Dr. Charles H. Conly, Frederick. 

The Republican electors and delegates to the Republican Na- 
tional Convention held in Chicago were : 

At Large — William P. Jackson, Wicomico; Sydney E. Mudd, 



358 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Charles ; Felix Agnus, Baltimore ; George A. Pearre, Allegany. 
Alternates — John D. Urie, Kent; George B. Merrick, Prince 
George's; Charles R. Schirm, Baltimore; Chas. D. Wagaman, 
Washington county. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District — Phillips Lee Goldsborough, Dorchester; Sen- 
ator Joseph I. France, Cecil. Alternates — Robert Franklin Duer, 
Somerset; David P. McMenamin, Kent. 

Second District — William P. Henry, Baltimore ; C. Ross Mace, 
Baltimore county. Alternates — Alfonso Wyszceki, Baltimore; 
Thomas V. Richard, Baltimore county. 

Third District — George W. Padgett, Baltimore; Dr. William 
S. Booze, Baltimore. Alternates — George B. Flynn, Baltimore; 
John A. Janetzke, Baltimore. 

Fourth District— Dr. H. C. Algire, Baltimore; Rev. W. M. 
Alexander (colored), Baltimore. Alternates — Dr. W. A. Mon- 
tell, Baltimore; Alexander Hemsley, Baltimore. 

Fifth District — Thomas Parran, Calvert; Gustavus B. Ti- 
manus, Prince George's. Alternates — John Bowie, Anne Arun- 
del; T. Spencer Crane, St. Mary's. 

Sixth District — John P. T. Mathias, Frederick county; W. N. 
Roulette, Washington county. Alternates — Dr. Webster Ravens- 
croft, Garrett; William SnoufTer, Frederick county. 

Electors at Large — John A. Robinson, Harford; Albert G. 
Towers, Caroline. 

District Electors — (i) Robert S. Adkins; (2) Dr. Luther 
Kemp; (3) Joseph Brooks; (4) M. F. Burgess; (5) J. Webb 
Thomas; (6) Moses Bomberger. 

The Congressmen elected in that year were: 

First District — J. Harry Covington, Democrat. 

Second — J. F. C. Talbott, Democrat. 

Third — John 'Kronmiller, Republican. 

Fourth — John Gill, Democrat. 

Fifth — Sydney E. Mudd, Republican. 

Sixth — George A. Pearre, Republican. 

The defeated candidates were : 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 359 

First District — William H. Jackson, Republican. 

Second — Robert Garrett, Republican. 

Third — Harry B. Wolf, Democrat. 

Fourth — John Philip Hill, Republican. 

Fifth — George N. Smith, Democrat. 

Sixth — David J. Lewis, Democrat. 

In this election, Pearre in the Sixth and Mudd in the Fifth, 
pulled through by exceedingly slim margins, neither receiving 
more than a few hundred plurality. Had the Democrats real- 
ized things were going to be so close in these two Republican 
strongholds, they could easily have carried them. As it was, it 
opened their eyes to the possibility of beating both Mudd and 
Pearre, regarded heretofore as invincible in their respective dis- 
tricts. The fight against Mudd was a bitter one, and the forces 
of organized labor enthusiastically and solidly supported Smith, 
who was a labor man. The fact that Mr. Mudd was not in good 
health also contributed toward losing him many votes, as he 
was unable to make the aggressive campaign he wanted to. In 
the Sixth District, Lewis made a remarkable fight, and the ene- 
mies of Pearre in his own party cut him right and left. In the 
Third District, Wolf was defeated by a small majority, chiefly 
because he had not attended to his duties as a Congressman. It 
was shown in the campaign that in two years he had answered 
only about ten roll calls, and it was generally known that he 
had done nothing but draw the salary. In the face of this, the 
voters refused to return him, and the Democrats lost this district 
sim.ply because the nominee was a man who had no other concep- 
tion of the duties of the place to which he had been elected than 
to receive the pay. The defeat of Mr. Jackson by Covington in 
the First District, put "Uncle Bill" permanently out of politics. 
He announced that he would not be a candidate again, and the 
political leadership he had possessed on the Eastern Shore was 
promptly assumed by his son, William P. Jackson, who had been 
made National Committeeman at Chicago through the influence of 
Collector Stone. Young Jackson could not be induced to run 
for Congress in 1910, realizing that he could not win, the fine 
record and proven ability displayed by Congressman Covington 
causing it to be generally conceded that he would be unanimously 



360 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

renominated by his party and overwhelmingly elected. "Young 
Will," however, cherished Senatorial aspirations, similar to those 
held for a long while by his father, and became sufficiently inter- 
ested to make liberal contributions to the Republican campaign 
fund in the district and elsewhere. In the 1910 fight, however, 
the Republicans had not the ghost of a hope of beating Mr. Cov- 
ington, and put up Abraham Lincoln Dryden as a sacrifice. The 
candidates elected were : 

First District — J. Harry Covington, Democrat. 

Second — J. F. C. Talbott, Democrat. 

Third — George Konig, Democrat. 

Fourth — J. Charles Linthicum, Democrat. 

Fifth — Thomas Parran, Republican. 

Sixth — David J. Lewis, Democrat. 

The defeated candidates were: 

First District — Abraham Lincoln Dryden, Republican. 

Second — William B. Baker, Republican. 

Third — Charles Main, Republican. 

Fourth — Addison E. Mullikin, Republican. 

Fifth — J. Enos Ray, Democrat. 

Sixth — Brainard H. Warner, Jr., Republican. 

The nominations of Konig, Linthicum and Ray on the Demo- 
cratic side were the result of bitter primary contests. Konig 
defeated James Young and Charles P. Coady in the Third dis- 
trict. Linthicum's opponents were George Stewart Brown and 
James H. Preston, while Ray ran against Charles H. Stanley, of 
Laurel. Ray was chiefly nominated through the influence oi 
Arthur P. Gorman, Jr., who believed with him he could redeem 
the Fifth District from Republican control. Thomas Parran, 
who was named by the Republicans to succeed Mr. Mudd, made 
a vigorous campaign and won, in spite of the handicaps of the 
Wilson ballot law and the manipulation of the ballot by the 
Democratic Supervisors in various counties of his district. 

In the Sixth District, Colonel Pearre got out of the primary 
contest, and it was fought out by Gist Blair, B. H. Warner, Jr., 
and Alexander Hagner. Both Warner and Blair have homes in 
Montgomery county, but were more identified with Washington 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 361 

than with Maryland. Hagner was from Washington county, but 
did not really figure in the fight. Mr. Warner's father, B. H. 
Warner, Sr., had two years before made an unsuccessful pri- 
mary fight against Pearre, in the course of which he made a 
good many Republican enemies. It was the support of Judge 
John C. Motter, of Frederick county, that nominated Warner, 
notwithstanding the fact that President Taft was known to be 
behind Mr. Gist Blair, a personal friend and a high class man. 
Immediately the cry that young Warner was not a resident of the 
Sixth District, and that his election would make the district a 
pocket borough for Washington, was raised. Republicans by the 
hundreds supported Lewis. The Pearre element largely voted for 
him, Col. Pearre taking no part in the campaign, and Lewis was 
elected, having the distinction of being the first Democrat sent to 
Congress from that district since the election of McKaig. sixteen 
vears before. 



CHAPTER XXXVL 



The Crothers-Gaither Campaign for Governor and the Election 
to the Senate of John Walter Smith. 



Now, to go back to the 1907 State campaign, the importance 
of which it is hardly possible to exaggerate. The deaths of Sen- 
ator Gorman and Mr. Rasin for a while left the Democratic 
party in city and State without real leadership. The local and 
the State organizations floundered about helplessly. The city 
situation was saved in the spring by the fortunate fact that 
Frank Brown had hold of the reins when Mr. Rasin was stricken, 
but after the election of Mahool and the local ticket, the State 
campaign presented a far more serious problem. The Gorman 
lieutenants throughout the State had no one to whom to look 
for guidance. Some of them — Talbott, for instance — had lead- 
ership and Senatorial aspirations of their own, but not one of 
them had the strength to weld together the many county leaders, 
or a sufficient number of them, to give him control. Down on 
the Eastern Shore, John Walter Smith, while preserving his 
party standing and holding his friends in all nine counties, had 
been out of sympathy and touch with the Gorman organization 
since his defeat for the Senate in 1904. Ex-Gov. E. E. Jackson 
controlled Wicomico, and, through William F. Applegarth, Dor- 
chester. Joshua W. Miles was the power in Somerset, and Aus- 
tin L. Crothers, then on the bench, in Cecil. John Walter Smith 
has the virtue of persistence developed to a remarkable degree. 
His defeat for the Senate by Rayner by no means meant the end 
of his fight. It merely encouraged him to keep on fighting, and 
he did. The chaotic condition of afifairs following the death of 
Gorman gave him his opportunity, and he seized it with char- 
acteristic quickness and decision. His first move was made in 
Dorchester county, into which was sent his trusted friend, Wil- 

362 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 363 

Ham Lee Carey — he of the guileless and child-like smile. It was 
the financial aid given the opponents of Applegarth in the pri- 
maries by Smith that enabled Smith's friends there — Emerson 
C. Harrington, Thomas C. B. Howard, W. Laird Henry and 
others — to beat the Applegarth forces in the primaries and name 
the delegates to the State Convention. Upon this Dorchester 
primary hinged the whole fight. Dorchester was the key to the 
whole situation, although few persons knew it. Without it, 
Smith could not have come to Baltimore to the State conven- 
tion with a majority of the Eastern Shore counties behind him, 
and that end of the State would have been dominated by the 
hostile Jackson-Miles combination. It was Carey who pointed 
out the Dorchester opportunity. 

Long before this the Smith people had been looking for a can- 
didate for Governor behind whom to center their forces. Smith 
was personally strongly in favor of Col. Buchanan Schley, of 
Washington county, who had stood by him in 1904, and who 
always has his county behind him. The loyalty and friendship 
of Schley bound Smith to him with strong ties, and he would 
have gone to the "last ditch" with him, had not Colonel Schley 
himself realized that he could not get the newspaper support nec- 
essary to win, and magnanimously declined to embarrass his 
friends. The name of Austin L. Crothers was first mentioned in 
connection with the Governorship at the meeting of the State Bar 
Association held in July at Ocean City. There the announcement 
was made by Crothers' friends that he would not be a candidate 
to succeed himself as judge. This at once started speculation, 
and he was spoken of for both the Attorney-Generalship and the 
Governorship. He had neither in mind at the time, but had 
quietly determined for himself that his best interest lay in going 
back to Elkton and practicing law. Weeks after this, in canvass- 
ing the situation John Walter Smith and some of his closer 
friends, casually discussing Gubernatorial timber, talked of 
Crothers, and wondered how he would do. Senator Smith a day 
or so later sent for Crothers, and a conference was held in Smith's 
offices in the Union Trust Building, at which were, besides Croth- 
ers and Smith, Marion DeKalb Smith, of Kent county ; Emerson 
Harrington and one or two other Eastern Shore Smith leaders. 



364 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Crothers said he had no desire for the Attorney-Generalship, and 
would not take the nomination for that ofifice, but that if they 
wanted him to run for Governor he was willing to go into the 
fight. He explained he had no money, but Smith told him that 
was all right, and it was agreed that the Eastern Shore forces, so 
far as they could be controlled by Smith, would back him in the 
State convention. Colonel Schley was present at the conference, 
and pledged Washington county to Crothers, or to any other man 
whom Smith wanted. The agreement and the conference were 
kept secret, and no hint of Crothers for Governor escaped. 

In the meantime Mr. Joseph D. Baker, of Frederick county, 
had declared himself a candidate, and was being enthusiastically 
supported by Frederick county Democrats. His candidacy was 
vigorously taken up by the Baltimore News, then owned by Mr, 
Qiarles H. Grasty, which created a considerable sentiment in his 
favor. Mr. Baker was easily the leading citizen of Frederick, 
a splendid, big man of great ability and high character with 
friends all over the State, but absolutely unknown to the politic- 
ians. The knock out blow to his candidacy was delivered by him- 
self in his letter declining to join the Democratic Club in Bal- 
timore because liquor was sold in the club house. With 
characteristic frankness and fearlessness Mr. Baker made plain 
his position on the liquor question, and the last hope of nominat- 
ing him for Governor went up with the explanation. Mr. Henry 
Williams, whose courage and unselfishness in twice leading the 
party in the city as its Mayoralty candidate, when there was 
not the least hope of winning, had endeared him to Democrats 
throughout Maryland, had been induced to stand as a candidate 
by the city people. (^Democrats of all classes brought pressure to 
bear upon him to enter the fight, and John J. Mahon, as well as 
practically every smaller leader in the city organization, went 
voluntarily to Mr. Williams and pledged him their support as 
the city candidate. Ex-Governor Frank Brown was half in and 
half out of the fight. He had nominal control of the city forces. 
but not real control. Prince George's county, Carroll county and 
others were urging him to become a candidate, and every effort 
was made to make him take the nomination, it being generally 
conceded that with this county strength and the city votes he 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 365 

could be nominated. He finally refused absolutely to be consid- 
ered a candidate, and was considerably irritated by some of the 
unkind things said about him by Democratic leaders, from whom 
he had a right to expect better treatment. It was after Brown 
had definitely gotten out of the field that the city people pledged 
themselves to Mr. Williams, and it was just at this time — one day 
before the State convention, July 23 — that Austin L. Crothers, 
accompanied by his nephew, Emerson C. Crothers, came to Bal- 
timore, took a room at the Rennert and let it be known that he 
was in the field for the nomination. The desire of Smith was 
to solidify the Eastern Shore behind Crothers, and it had been 
agreed that Crothers should talk with Ex-Governor Jackson 
without allowing the Ex-Governor to realize that Smith had had 
anything to do with his candidacy, it being well understood that 
Jackson's hostility and jealousy toward Smith were such that 
suspicion that Smith had sent Crothers to him would immedi- 
ately cause him to go the other way. Crothers talked with Jack- 
son and Jackson agreed to support him, and further agreed to 
talk with Smith and try to induce him to fall in behind Crothers. 
Smith and Jackson conferred in the latter's room at the Ren- 
nert, and Jackson insisted that Smith ought to be for Crothers. 
Smith said he had no objection to Crothers, and that as he was 
an Eastern Shoreman he would support him. This solidified the 
Eastern Shore votes behind Crothers, but they did not stay solid. 
Smith had hardly gotten away from Jackson before someone 
told the Wicomico leader that Crothers had been Smith's candi- 
date all the time, and that he was being fooled. Immediately 
the Ex-Governor withdrew his support from Crothers, and came 
out strongly for Henry Williams. 

At this time Mr. Williams had fully 100 out of the 121 votes 
in the convention pledged to him. J. F. C. Talbott was his 
strongest supporter, and with him was Arthur P. Gorman, Jr. 
These two were, at the time, hostile to Smith, and realized that 
if Smith named the Gubernatorial candidate it would make him 
the State leader. If, however, they named the Governor, it 
would put Talbott in the position of leadership. Hence the 
Talbott-Gorman combination was strongly against Crothers and 
strongly for Williams. Democratic leaders from every county 



366 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

and from every ward in the city gathered at the Rennert the 
day before the State convention, and excitement ran high. The 
Baker adherents — Frederick and Montgomery — did their utmost 
to get the support of Jackson. The Ex-Governor had partially 
pledged himself once to Mr. Baker, but declined to stay pledged. 
Mr. Williams, Mr. Baker and Mr. Crothers all had rooms in the 
hotel, and conferences were held all over the place. Trades and 
dickers were made only to be broken again, and the forces behind 
Mr. Williams apparently had everything in their hands. At mid- 
night on the night before the convention these leaders were for 
Mr. Williams — Talbott, Gorman, Mahon, Jackson, Miles and 
Grouse. These, with the counties and city delegations they con- 
trolled, gave him at least loo votes. Mr. Baker had the Mont- 
gomery and Frederick votes, and Crothers had the rest — about 
15. John Walter Smith keenly realized the situation. He knew 
he was beaten, and beaten badly. He knew the opposition was 
determined not only to crush Crothers' Gubernatorial boom, 
but that their main object was to crush him, to put him out of 
the game as a State factor, to make his leadership of the party 
and his Senatorial aspirations, impossible. He was not able to 
muster but the scant 15 votes on the Eastern Shore. This, how- 
ever, gave him a majority of that section, and in an Eastern 
Shore caucus he could control the situation for Crothers. The 
Jackson and Miles opposition, however, refused to enter an 
Eastern Shore caucus, realizing that with the Dorchester dele- 
gation Smith would have the whip hand. Had it not been for 
Dorchester, Smith's votes would have been a minority of the 
caucus, and Crothers would have had no standing. Beaten 
though he was. Smith refused to give up the fight. He went to 
bed that night, convinced he could not win, but determined to 
keep up the struggle until the roll call was held. It was at this 
juncture that the outside influences entered the field and turned 
the defeat that stared him in the face into overwhelming victory. 
One of the essentials to Democratic victory in the coming fight 
was the support of the Baltimore Sun. This was conceded on 
all sides. Therefore, when the management of The Sun, in a 
guarded but none the less authoritative manner, let the word go 
out that The Sun could not give to Mr. Williams its aggressive 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 367 

support, and did not believe he could win, it simply knocked the 
props from under the Williams structure. The intimation was 
given that, while The Sun thought highly of Mr. Williams per- 
sonally, its opposition to him in 1895 and 1897 when he was a 
candidate for Mayor, tied its hands. Editorials from its own 
columns opposing Mr. Williams could be used in the fight, and 
the *^deadly parallel" would be drawn in a way to render the 
efforts of the paper unavailing. When this attitude of The Sun 
was supplemented by the apparently authentic statement that Mr. 
S. Davies Warfield, who was looked to by the Democratic or- 
ganization to finance their campaign, fully agreed that a win-, 
ning fight could not be made for Mr. Williams, his boom col- 
lapsed like a bubble. Leaders who had pledged themselves to 
him voluntarily deserted him without shame or compunction. 
Others had to be forced away from him, but in the end he 
was left with practically no support except the Talbott-Gorman 
combination which found itself in the position Smith had occu- 
pied the night before. 

All this happened after the convention had convened. When 
that body was called to order, Mr. Williams had his 100 votes 
solidly. Talbott, Gorman, Mahon, Jackson and the others were 
jubilant over the defeat of Smith and his candidate. Smith and 
Crothers, both quiet, but determined, had little to say. Smith 
felt beaten, but declined to admit it. Crothers was philosophical 
about it, and would not have been greatly disappointed had his 
name not been presented. Isidor Rayner, holding a proxy from 
a city delegation, had pledged himself to Williams, and had in 
his pocket a speech with which he was to place him in nomina- 
tion. Early in the morning, the city delegation had a meeting, 
attended by Ex-Governor Brown, John J. Mahon. Max Ways 
and other leaders. Ex-Governor Brown, who was in close touch 
with Mr. W. W. Abell, of The Sun and Mr. S. Davies Warfield, 
advised the delegation to leave Williams and go to Crothers, giv- 
ing his reasons for the belief that Williams could not win. After 
Governor Brown had finished, the delegation rejected his advice 
and re-endorsed Williams, and when they went to the conven- 
tlon llayner was prepared to nominate him. When the conven- 
tion was called to order by Murray Vandiver, the Williams peo- 



368 THE STORY OF MAUYLA.sD rOLITICS. 

pie dominated it completely. De Warren Reynolds, of Cumber- 
land, was chosen as chairman, and the organization was quickly 
completed. Mr. Jackson did not come to the convention, but 
remained in his room at the Rennert. With him stayed Carroll 
W. Rasin and Harry Welles Rusk. Between these two Mr. 
Jackson was persuaded tliat he had made a big political mistake 
in opposing Crothers and favoring Williams. They told him 
The Sun would not support Mr. Williams, and that the financial 
interests would not contribute to the campaign, and that it would 
be a second John E. Hurst fight. Finally, Mr. Jackson was in- 
duced to write with his own hand the follow'ing remarkable 
letter : 

"Baltimore City Delegation: — If you have any regard for me 
do not nominate Williams. He will be beaten worse than Hurst, 
if what Rusk says is true. I beg of you to nominate Crothers. 

"E. E. Jackson." 

As soon as he had written this letter Mr. Jackson gave it to 
Carroll Rasin, who called a carriage and drove to the Maryland 
Theatre. The convention had completed its organization, and 
was on the point of calling for nominations for Governor. In 
fifteen more minutes Mr. Williams would have had the nomina- 
tion. Rasin sent the Jackson note to John Hannibal, chairman 
of the city delegation. Hannibal read it to the delegation, and it 
was immediately thrown into an uproar. Senator Rayner became 
terribly upset. He moved for a recess, stating that an import- 
ant development had occurred which made it necessary for the 
city delegation to confer. The recess was taken, and back they 
all galloped to the hotel. There the excitement was tremendous. 
Every effort w^as made to get Mr. Jackson back to Williams, but 
this time the old man stuck. After great pressure had been 
brought to bear upon John Mahon he finally broke away from 
Mr. Williams, but w-ept at being compelled to violate his word. 
The situation so wrought upon Isidor Rayner that he became 
violently ill, but no one stood true to ?Jr. Williams. The city pec- 
ple simply deserted in a body, leaving him without a man to 
place his name before the convention, although he was unques- 
tionably its choice. During the recess Crothers had conferences 




Murray \^Ax\uiver. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 369 

with Mr. Warfield and others, and when at 2 o'clock the conven- 
tion reconvened he had the votes. He was placed in nomination 
by William S. Evans, of Cecil county. The only other name pre- 
sented was that of Joseph D. Baker, who was named by George 
Williams Smith, of Frederick. The vote was : 

Crothers, Ii3>^ ; Baker, 14. 

Baker got three votes from Anne Arundel, besides his Fred- 
erick and Montgomery votes. One of the Anne Arundel votes 
was cast by Edwin Warfield. 

Then Crothers' nomination was made unanimous. Few men 
in Maryland have been accorded as shabby treatment as that 
given Mr. Williams in this contest, and some of the men who 
deserted him are still ashamed of themselves, and they ought 
to be. After the Governorship had been gotten out of the way the 
rest was simple. Smith's supremacy was at once conceded, and he 
named the rest of the ticket, yielding to the city pressure for 
Isaac Lobe Straus for Attorney-General chiefly because of the 
belief that this, too, would strengthen the ticket with The Sun. 
Mr. Straus was placed in nomination by Mr. S. Gross Horwitz 
and his nomination was unanimous, although there had been 
considerable opposition to him before. Senator Ra3'ner being 
one of those who would have preferred someone else. Dr. 
Joshua W. Hering was named for Comptroller by Smith, and 
his nomination was acceptable to all factions, he being one Demo- 
crat whom everyone liked. C. C. Magruder was nominated for 
Clerk of the Court of Appeals to satisfy Southern Maryland 
claims, being placed in nomination by Robert W. Wells, of 
Prince George's county. 

There was a lively fight over the platform, chiefly due to the 
Senatorial primary resolution ofifered by Governor Warfield. 
Among the Senatorial aspirants at that time were Joshua W. 
Miles, Edwin Warfield, J. F. C. Talbott and John Walter Smith. 
Warfield and Miles made the fight in the committee on resolu- 
tion for the Senatorial primaries. There were some heated tilts 
between these two and Arthur P. Gorman, Jr., and Colonel 
Schley, but in the end the resolution was adopted, and it became 
binding upon the party to hold Senatorial primaries on the day 
of the election. This was the most radical and progressive step 



370 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

taken by a Democratic convention in years, and so far as the 
Democrats were concerned, it took completely out of the hands 
of the Legislature the naming of the Senator. After the adoption 
of the platform, the convention adjourned, going down in his- 
tory as one of the most remarkable ever held by the party in 
Maryland. 

One week later it was followed by the Republican State Con- 
vention, which nominated this ticket : 

For Governor — George R. Gaither, Jr. 

For Comptroller — James H. Baker, of Kent county. 

For Attorney-General — Hammond G. Urner, of Frederick 
county. 

For Clerk of the Court of Appeals — Thomas Parran, of Cal- 
vert county. 

In its way, the Republican convention was almost as remark- 
able as that of the Democrats, although it lacked wholly the 
tumultuous nature that characterized the latter. It was a cut-and- 
dried affair, wholly dominated by Sydney E. Mudd and William 
H. Jackson. Back of the action of the convention, however, 
there was also a newspaper influence that forced a change in the 
plans of the leaders. Mudd and Jackson originally intended to 
nominate Phillips Lee Goldsborough, of Dorchester county. They 
had the votes with which to do it, too, and prior to the assembling 
of the convention the general belief was that Goldsborough would 
be nominated. The Baltimore Evening News, then controlled 
Iby Mr. Charles H. Grasty, was, however, strongly in favor of 
Mr. Gaither. The News, in its capacity of an independent paper, 
had for weeks boomed the cause of Joseph D. Baker, on the 
Democratic side, and Gaither on the Republican side. Failing 
to nominate Baker, it made the fight for Mr. Gaither all the 
more determinedly. The Republican leaders did not want Mr. 
Gaither for Governor. They vastly preferred Mr. Goldsborough, 
whom Jackson could count upon to aid him in his Senatorial 
ambitions. Goldsborough was his friend and Gaither was not. 
Mudd also much preferred the Dorchester county man, but was 
astute enough to realize that without newspaper support of any 
sort, the fight would be a hopeless one. It was made plain to Mudd 
that if Gaither was nominated The News would make a hot cam- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 371 

paign for the Republican ticket, and if he were not nominated they 
would be, to say the least, indifferent. Yielding to this situation, 
Mr. Goldsborough's nomination was abandoned and Gaither 
named. Goldsborough was unquestionably the choice of the 
convention almost to the extent that Williams was the choice of 
the Democrats. He was one of the strongest men in his party 
and was besides a man of high character and unquestioned 
ability and integrity. He had, however, been active for many 
years in Republican politics, and his political friendship for Mudd 
and Jackson was counted against him. Up to within a few days 
before the convention he had been assured of the nomination. 
The night before the convention, after conferences had been 
held by some of the leaders with The News people, Goldsbor- 
ough announced his withdrawal. Mudd and Jackson immedi- 
ately declared they had been for Goldsborough as long as he was 
in the fight, but that he having withdrawn, they were now for 
Gaither. Mr. Jackson made the remark to the writer that "Me 
and Sydney had the votes to nominate Goldsborough," and it 
was certainly true. This remark of "Uncle Bill's was made an is- 
sue in the campaign by the Democrats. There was bitter disappoint 
ment among Mr. Goldsborough's friends, but he, himself, man- 
fully took his medicine and went into the convention, making an 
impassioned nominating speech for Mr. Gaither. The convention 
was run by Mr. Mudd in just the way he wanted it. He wrote 
the platform and picked the candidates, gave orders right and 
left, and everything he wanted was done. No more abject exhi- 
bition of a boss-ridden convention has ever been given in Mary- 
land. From start to finish Mudd was the whole show, and the 
prominence with which this was brought out handicapped Mr. 
Gaither from the start. 

In the campaign that followed, there was a newspaper war 
as well as a political war. The Sun gave to Crothers and the 
Democratic ticket a support that taxed its every resource. The 
News made the strongest fight for Gaither possible for it to 
make. The Sun had much to do in bringing about the nomina- 
tion of Crothers, and The News was largely instrumental in 
sidetracking Goldsborough and naming Gaither. Success or 
failure meant much to each, and everv nerve was strained bv the 



372 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

two papers to win their respective candidates. The News, early 
in the game, sent a staff correspondent into Cecil county, where 
he was furnished with a lot of information concerning Crothers' 
political career by Frank Williams, Joshua Clayton and other 
Republican opponents of Crothers, in which Crothers was repre- 
sented as guilty of the worst forms of political graft and prac- 
tices. These charges were sprung by The News in a terrific 
broadside, which it had been calculated would knock the very 
bottom out of the Crothers campaign. The Sun answered the 
attack the next day fully and completely, printing a specific reply 
to each charge, and publishing interviews from leading Repub- 
licans, as well as Democrats, clergymen and citizens generally 
denouncing the charges as unfair, unfounded and unjustified, 
and affirming their confidence in Crothers' honesty and integrity. 
The Sun's answer was more complete than The News' charges, 
and the cry of "mud slinging" was at once raised with marked 
effect. Soon after this Crothers made his speech of acceptance 
at "the Lyric, and was the same night taken sick. He went to 
the Rennert, and in two days his illness was diagnosed as typhoid 
fever, and he insisted upon going home to Elkton. From that 
time until after the election he lay at the Felton House in a criti- 
cal condition, taking no part whatever in the campaign and know- 
ing nothing about it. For a while the Democrats were demoral- 
ized by his illness, and there was some talk of recalling the State 
convention and nominating another candidate. Smith, however, 
put his foot down on this, and the fight went on for Crothers. 
Soon after Crothers was stricken, Mr. W. W. Abell, then the 
managing publisher and mainspring of The Sun also contracted 
typhoid fever, and was prevented from giving his personal direc- 
tion to The Sun campaign. Notwithstanding this, the fight The 
Sun made was an able and effective one. Although Mr. Gai- 
ther was conspicuously a high-class man, of unblemished char- 
acter, acknowledged ability and independence, and attractive in 
many ways, the manner of his nomination was a heavy drag 
upon his candidacy. Mudd and Jackson were too much of a load. 
The independent leaders balked at the combination, and many 
of them who had supported Republican tickets in the past — 
Roger W. Cull, William L. Marbury, Francis K. Carey and 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 373 

Others — came out openly for Crothers. These men had consist- 
ently been with The News in its former fights, and their sup- 
port of the Gaither candidacy had been counted upon. Crothers 
was held up by the Republican orators and organs as a political 
thug, a grafter, a man of doubtful integrity and a bad record. 
Toward the last of the campaign, while Crothers was still ill, 
the Cecil county charges were revived by The News, but they 
proved a boomerang. The Crothers campaign was financed by 
S. Davies Warfield and John Walter Smith. These two men 
put up the money — or most of it. The total cost to Crothers for 
his nomination and election was $4.50 — the amount of his hotel 
bill at the Rennert. Mr. Gaither and his running mate, Ham- 
mond G. Urner, made a vigorous campaign, but the tide was 
against him. Mr. Gaither declined to join in the "mud slinging" 
at his opponent, and ignored altogether the charges that were 
made against him. Crothers himself declined to make any an- 
swer to the charges or to notice them in any way. They were, 
however, completely answered by the facts. 

The Democratic Gubernatorial campaign was complicated 
greatly by the Senatorial primaries, held under the resolution 
offered by Mr. Warfield and adopted by the State convention. 
At the solicitation of representatives of The Sun, Ex-Governor 
Warfield entered the Democratic Senatorial primaries as a can- 
didate. The Sun people wanted him in the fight because they 
believed his candidacy would bring to the support of Crothers 
many votes that would otherwise remain at home. Warfield had 
a big following in the State, which desired his nomination as 
Governor, and felt that he had been turned down by the organi- 
zation, notwithstanding the fact that he had explained he did 
not desire to be Governor again. Warfield was induced to enter 
the primaries as a Senatorial candidate, and made several 
speeches in the campaign urging the election of Crothers. Joshua 
W. Miles also sent in his name as a candidate for the Senate, as 
did Frank Brown. Both of these withdrew, however, at the 
last minute, Miles because he saw the organization intended to 
support Smith, and he stood no chance, and Brown because after 
a conference with Smith, held in his office, he became convinced 
that inasmuch as Smith was financing to a large extent the State 



374 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

campaign, he was entitled to the Senatorship. Congressman Tal- 
bott announced himself as a candidate, and made a vigorous cam- 
paign throughout the State. The primaries were held on the 
same day as the general election, and resulted in a sweeping and 
overwhelming victory for John Walter Smith, the vote being 
taken by Smith's friends everywhere as a signal vindication and 
triumph for him. He not only gained the big majority of the 
counties, but he got a big plurality of the total vote cast in the 
State, the vote for the three candidates being as follows : 

Whyte. 

Allegany i,6ii 

Anne Arundel 2,497 

Baltimore City — 

1st Legislative District. 4,688 

2nd Legislative District 7,255 

3rd Legislative District. 7,000 

4th Legislative District 4,368 

Baltimore county 7,628 

Calvert 302 

Caroline 1,210 

Carroll 2,631 

Cecil 1,961 

Charles 627 

Dorchester 1^695 

Frederick 2,687 

Garrett 647 

Harford 2,310 

Howard i ,092 

Kent 1,350 

Montgomery 2,659 

Prince George's 1)639 

Queen Anne 1,306 

Somerset 1,440 

St. Mary's 756 

Talbot 1,402 



Palbott. 


Warfield. 


Smith. 


1,018 


748 


995 


1,090 


1,383 


802 


527 


2,160 


5,731 


1,992 


4,898 


4,842 


1,361 


5456 


4,430 


366 


2,526 


4,967 


7>i35 


2,229 


363 


3 


71 


613 


21 


207 


1,117 


477 


1,473 


1,141 


137 


570 


1,386 


25 


71 


77^ 


2y 


69 


1,980 


67 


1,734 


2,088 


37 


444 


248 


1,557 


1,021 


254 


39 


854 


1,089 


8 


719 


1,136 


30 


1,211 


1,858 


70 


505 


1,371 


10 


354 


1,082 


90 


60 


1,473 


4 


213 


829 


35 


155 


1,508 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 375 



Washington 2,433 7Z 

Wicomico 1)697 ^4 

Worcester Ij399 i 



811 


1.947 


201 


2,131 


55 


1,974 



66,290 16,214 30,200 48,131 

For the short term, ending March 4, 1909, Wilham Pinkney 
Whyte received 66,290 votes. 

For the term beginning March 4, 1909: 

John Walter Smith received 48,131 votes. 

Edwin Warfield received 30,200 votes. 

J. F. C. Talbott received 16,214 votes. 

In the general election Crothers won by a majority of 9,369, 
and the Democrats gained a two-thirds majority in the Legisla- 
ture. The candidates for city offices elected on the Democratic 
ticket were as follows: 

For Judge of the Supreme Court — James P. Gorter, Alfred S. 
Niles. 

For Clerk of the Superior Court— Stephen C. Little. 

For Clerk of the Circuit Court No. 2 — John Pleasants. 

For Sheriflf— Robert J. Padgett. 

For State's Attorney — Albert S. J. Owens. 

For City Surveyor — Raleigh C. Thomas. 

For Judges of the Orphans' Court — Myer J. Block, Harry C. 
Gaither, William Dunn. 

Some of the defeated Republican candidates were William Hall 
Harris and Lewis Putzel for Judge; Robert Ogle, for Clerk of 
the Superior Court; Thomas A. Robinson, for Clerk of the Cir- 
cuit Court; William O. Atwood, for Surveyor; Levi P. Thomp- 
son, for Sheriflf, and Frederick T. Dorton, for State's Attorney. 

The Legislature of 1908 chosen at this election was as follows : 

THE SENATE. 

Allegany — *John B. Shannon, Democrat. 
Anne Arundel — James R. Brashears, Democrat. 
Baltimore City — (First District) — Charles P. Coady, Demo- 
crat; (Second District) — Peter J. Campbell, Democrat; (Third 



3T6 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

District)— J. Charles Linthicum, Democrat; (Fourth District) — 
♦Charles W. Jones, Republican. 

Baltimore County — John S. Biddison, Democrat. 

Calvert — Lewis McK. Griffith, Republican. 

Caroline — *Wm, Winder Goldsborough, Democrat. 

Carroll — Johnzie E. Beasman, Democrat. 

Cecil — * Joseph I. France, Republican. 

Charles — *S. Spearman Lancaster, Republican. 

Dorchester — * Joseph B. Andrews, Republican. 

Frederick — John P. T. Matthias, Republican. 

Garrett — *W. McCuUoh Brown, RepubUcan. 

Harford — ^*William B. Baker, Republican. 

Howard — Arthur P. Gorman, Jr., Democrat. 

Kent— William M. Slay, Democrat. 

Montgomery — *Blair Lee, Democrat. 

Prince George's — *William B. Clagett, Democrat. 

Queen Anne's — John Frank Harper, Democrat. 

Somerset — Lewis M. Milbourne, Democrat. 

St. Mary's — * Francis F. Green well, Fusionist. 

Talbot — *Gen. Joseph B. Seth, Democrat. 

Washington — Harry E. Baker, Republican. 

Worcester — *John P. Moore, Democrat. 

Wicomico — Jesse D. Price, Democrat. 

(*Holdovers (elected in 1905). 

Democrats, 17. Republicans, 9. Fusion, i. Total, 27. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany — Frank Lee Carl, D. Ellsworth Dick, Andrew M. 
Smith, John J. Stump, Republicans ; William J. Ford, Democrat. 

Anne Arundel — A. Theodore Brady, George T. Murray, Chas. 
Ashby Duvall, Gassaway Dawson, Democrats. 

Baltimore City— (First Legislative District) — Edgar N. Ash, 
Wm. J. Carrick, Henry Klase, D. C. McGonigle, James A. Mc- 
Quade, William B. Smith, Democrats. (Second Legislative Dis- 
trict)— Robert H. Carr, Allen C. Girdwood, Jos. A. Kuebel, D. J. 
McGovern, T. J. Sheubrooks, Elias T. Zirkler, Democrats. (Third 
Legislative District) — J. A. Dawkins, M. J. Dunn, M. Lehmayer, 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 877 

A. J. McColgan, W. M. Maloy, T. L. Marriott, Democrats. 
(Fourth Legislative District) — C. L. J. Carroll, Democrat; L. R. 
Cornthwaite, J. E. Goodwin, W. H. Pairo, T. L. Parks, W. Weis- 
gerber, Republicans. 

Baltimore County — Carville, D. Benson, W. F. Coghlan, Mich- 
ael P. Kehoe, John Mays Little, W. George Marley, Charles M. 
Snyder, Democrats. 

Calvert — John W. Peterson, Democrat ; Edward H. Jones, Re- 
publican. 

Caroline — James R. Phillips, Theodore Saulsbury, Democrats. 

Carroll — Jacob A. Frederick, Robert Lee Myers, Caleb W. 
Selby, Democrats ; Richard Smith, Republican. 

Cecil — James C. McCauley, J. Wilson Squier, C. J. Yerkes, 
Democrats. 

Charles — Clarence R. Burroughs, G. T. Clagett Gray, Repub- 
licans. 

Dorchester— Charles G. Satterfield, Edward S. Phillips, Chas. 
S. Jackson, Republican ; Daniel M. Webster, Democrat. 

Frederick — Aaron R. Anders, John C. Castle, Charles C. Eyler, 
Samuel T. Hickman, Harry J. Kefauver, Republicans. 

Garrett — Lawrence F. Green, Jacob S. Myers, Republicans. 

Harford— Martin L. Jarrett, Harry C. Lawder, Walter R. Mc- 
Comas, Joseph S. Whiteford, Democrats. 

Howard— William Howard Brown, Matthew H. Gill, Demo- 
crats. 

Kent — James S. Harris, Harry C. Willis, Democrats. 

Montgomery — Preston B. Ray, James Dawson Williams, Geo. 
T. Waters, Andrew J. Cummings, Democrats. 

Prince George's — James Enos Ray, Jr., Samuel Marvin Peach, 
Democrats ; George M. Bond, Oliver Samuel Metzerrott, Repub- 
licans. 

Queen Anne's — Woolsey James Massey, Dudley George Roe, 
John P. Roe, Democrats. 

Somerset — Lorie C. Quinn, Lybrand Thomas, H. L. D. Stan- 
ford, Democrats. 

St. Mary's— Chas. V. Hayden, Jr., Democrat; Horace M. 
Bowling, Republican. 



378 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Talbot— William J. Jackson, J. Edward Mortimer, George C. 
Moore, Democrats. 

Washington — John B. Beard, Republican ; Benedict J. Boswell, 
Democrat; Thompson A. Brown, Thaddeus A. Wastler, George 
T, Prather, Republicans. 

Wicomico — Roscoe Jones, Ernest B. Timmons, John W. Will- 
ing, Democrats. 

Worcester — Henry B. Pilchard, Robley D. Jones, Severn Mur- 
ray, Democrats. 

House of Delegates — Democrats, 71 ; Republicans, 30. Demo- 
cratic majority, 41. 

On Joint Ballot — Democrats, 88; Republicans, 39; Fusion, i. 
Democratic majority, 48. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 



The Features of the Crothers Administration — How He Paid 

His Pohtical Debts and the Break with John Walter 

Smith — Legislature of 1910. 



The first half of Governor Crothers' administration was sin- 
gularly successful. He did not strike the rocks at all until the 
Legislature of 1910. Elected under the charge of being an or- 
ganization Democrat, and a politician of the most practical kind, 
he proceeded to demonstrate that the knowledge and experience 
thus acquired, helped, rather than handicapped, the right man in 
making a mighty fine Governor. And he did make a good Gov- 
ernor — one of the best the State has ever had, giving far more 
time and attention to the office than any other man who held it, 
and developing progressive policies that led to the enactment of 
some of the most important laws on the statute books. To his ef- ^ 
forts chiefly is due the present Corrupt Practices Act, the Public 
Utilities Commission Act, the increase in the collateral inheritance 
tax, the general direct primary election law and other important 
pieces of legislation. The biggest proposition inaugurated by 
Crothers and published by him, however, was the Good Roads law 
creating a loan of six million dollars, and beginning the construc- 
tion of a system of State roads throughout Maryland. These and 
other things done for the State of a wholly non-political character 
stand to his credit, and while toward the close of his administra- 
tion he made some mistakes and many bitter political enemies, 
losing much of his prestige and popularity, all fair-minded men 
recognized that the State owed him much. He was a real work- 
ing Governor, who took his job seriously and accomplished much. 
Crothers felt when he took his seat that he had gained the 
Governorship largely through the help of three men— John Wal- 
ter Smith, S. Davies Warfield and W. W. Abell. He tried to 

379 



380 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

discharge his obligations to them in his appointments, and no 
Governor has ever used the patronage to pay political debts to 
the extent that he did. Yet, upon the whole, they were good 
appointments, and except in one or two cases, high-class and 
capable men — Democrats, all of them. For his city boards — the 
Police, Liquor License and Elections — particularly good selec- 
tions were made, which appealed to public sentiment, showed that 
Crothers placed the interests of the city and State above those 
of the party, and yet, did not offend the politicians, who recog- 
nized that he proposed to give the organization all he decently 
could. His stand was that it would weaken rather than strengthen 
the party to attempt to control politically these boards, and he 
was right. In his first appointment, that of Secretary of State, 
he was fortunate in naming a man so free from political alliances, 
and of such acknowledged character and ability — N. Winslow 
Williams — as to start his administration out on a high plane, and 
enable him later to make an appointment like William J. Garland 
without violent criticism. Crothers' own choice for Secretary of 
State was John Hannibal, and he had intimated to Hannibal his 
intention of appointing him. Senator Smith desired to make his 
friend, W. Laird Henry. Mr. Williams* name had never been 
mentioned. He named him without having seen him, and the 
appointment was generally credited to the influence of The Sun 
and Mr. Warfield. Later the Governor took good care of Laird 
Henry, first by making him Land Commissioner and then Judge 
of the Court of Appeals. The balance of his Green Bag was 
made up after consultation with the Democratic leaders in coun- 
ties and city, but in nearly every case the wishes of Senator Smith 
dominated, and his friends not only in the counties, but in the 
city as well, were given the offices. It was Smith who forced the 
appointments of both Garland and James W. Lewis as police 
magistrates, over the heads of the local organization leaders. It 
was Smith's influence that put Lloyd L. Jackson on the Board of 
Election Supervisors, and it was State Senator Gorman who kept 
Eugene E. Grannan off the Police Board. In the final announce- 
ments John J. Mahon and his friends in the city acquiesced, al- 
though they had not been given their choice in all they thought 
they should, and there was considerable talk among them as to 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 381 

the overwhelming dominance of Smith in the appointments. Still, 
they were satisfied, and loud in their praises of the Governor as a 
Democrat, who was man enough not to turn his back on the or- 
ganization after the election. At the Legislature of 1908, Car- 
ville D. Benson, of Baltimore county, was Speaker of the House, 
and General Joseph B. Seth, of Talbot county, President of the 
Senate. The two things that happened of chief political interest 
were the election to the Senate of John Walter Smith and the 
passage of the second amendment to disfranchise the negroes. 
The election of Senator Smith had been settled by the primaries, 
and there was, of course, no fight ; but it was the occasion for 
great rejoicing upon the part of his friends throughout Mary- 
land, who had been loyal to him throughout the four years after 
his defeat in 1904. This loyalty and love of his friends is one of 
the greatest tributes to the fine nature and character of Senator 
Smith, and has always been his chief political asset. He has more 
personal friends, who will stay with him through defeat as 
through victory, than any other man in politics in the State, and 
it is also fair to say that there is no incident on record where 
Smith did not stand by his friends. That has been his creed in 
politics: "Stand by your friends and tell the truth," and it is 
the living up to this doctrine that has gained him every political 
triumph he ever had and landed him finally in the Senate, where 
the same creed has made him popular with his Senatorial col- 
leagues and enabled him to accomplish much for his State that 
no other man could have done. In the Senate, he is loved by 
Democrats and Republicans, and has been a credit to both his 
State and himself. 

After Smith's election came the death of William Pinkney 
Whyte, then serving out the unexpired term of Senator Gorman, 
and re-elected without opposition by the same Legislature that 
elected Smith. Upon his death, several candidates developed — 
Joshua W. Miles, John P. Poe and others. There was danger 
of a fight, and Smith's friends insisted that he take the short as 
well as the long term. He yielded and was chosen without a 
struggle. 

The Democratic leaders acted with wisdom in framing the new 
suffrage amendment, to which the party was pledged. Profiting 



382 THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 

by the mistakes of the past, under the leadership of Isaac Lobe 
Straus, attorney General, a conference was called. To it Mr. 
Straus invited the best and biggest lawyers of the State, many of 
them men who had violently opposed the Poe amendment. Some 
of those who joined with him in the framing of the measure were 
Bernard Carter, William Shepherd Bryan, Jr., William L. Mar- 
bury, Roger W. Cull, Leigh Bonsai, Arthur W. Machen, John 
P. Poe, W. Cabell Bruce, John E. Semmes, Edwin Warfield, Ran- 
dolph Barton and others. For weeks, the subject was exhaus- 
tively discussed and hearings were held. Finally, the committee 
of lawyers agreed on an amendment, that eliminated every ob- 
jectionable feature of the Poe amendment and was as fair a prop- 
osition of the kind as has ever been presented. It was known as 
the Straus amendment and was put through the Legislature by 
the three fifths Democratic majority, the Republicans protesting 
but not filibustering. It was promptly signed by the Governor 
and there seemed to be an united party behind it. 

After the Legislature adjourned, there came the 1908 Presi- 
dential campaign. Crothers went out to Denver as a delegate 
from Maryland and upon his return pitched into the fight for 
Bryan and spoke all over the State. His relations at the time 
with all the party leaders were close and cordial, notwithstanding 
the fact that he had begun to develop his progressive policies. He 
had passed the Good Roads loan at Annapolis and allowed the 
newspapers to force on him the appointment as members of the 
State Road Commission, the Geological Survey element— 
Dr. Ira Remsen, William Bullock Clark and Samuel A. Shoe- 
maker. He placed at the head of the commission his personal 
friend, John M. Tucker, who did not want the place, but took it 
because of his desire to aid the Governor. Mr. Tucker, in the 
course of his work, was subjected to a great deal of unfair and 
unjust criticism. No more conscientious, faithful or efficient 
man could have been chosen. Upon many propositions, however, 
the commission was deadlocked, with Crothers. Tucker and 
Frank Hutton on one side, and the Geological Survey members 
on the other. The politicians, however, were not specially inter- 
ested in this, but when Crothers began to put forth ideas of econ- 
omy, heretofore unsuggested, they did begin to pull back. It 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 383 

was when this became apparent that he made the pubHc an- 
nouncement that under no circumstances would he be a candi- 
date for renomination, nor would he aspire to the Senate. At the 
time, the politicians were all for him for another term, and he 
had gained for himself large support from the independent 
element. He made his announcement for the sole purpose of 
convincing the organization people that he had no ulterior 
or selfish motive in urging the things for which he stood. They 
were, however, unconvinced, and when he came out for Direct 
Primaries, a Public Utilities Commission, the Oregon plan of 
electing United States Senators and other progressive proposi- 
tions, they began to break away, and asked, "What's the 
matter with Crothers, anyhow?" While he consulted the leaders 
about places, the Governor did not consult them about his poli- 
cies, and the result was that each successive reform advocated 
came to them as a shock, and a rift opened between him and the 
State leaders. He began to lose some of his popularity, being too 
much of an organization Democrat to wholly suit the reformers 
gnd too much of a reformer to suit altogether the politicians. 
In three notable instances, Crothers acted with extreme prompt- 
ness in dealing with Democratic office-holders against whom 
charges of corruption had been made. One of these was in the 
case of Jacob G. Schonfarber, for many years Deputy Labor 
Statistician, whom he forced to resign. Similarly prompt 
action was taken in the cases of William J. Garland and 
Harry Goldman, both of them police magistrates. Garland was 
charged with having tried to influence a jury and Goldman with 
having accepted money from Thomas A. Robinson, Republican, 
to help defeat John Pleasants, Democratic candidate for Clerk of 
the Circuit Court. From Republican newspapers the Governor 
was subjected to violent attack because of his leanings toward 
the organization, while the organization people were grumbling 
because he was trying to carry them forward too fast, and they 
could not get all they wanted. He stirred up things a good deal 
among the State office-holders, by insisting upon rigid economy 
in purchasing supplies and conducting their offices. He likewise 
amazed the politicians by forming a Governor's Cabinet, com- 
posed of himself, the State Treasurer. State Comptroller. Secre- 



384 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

tary of State and Attorney-General. With this Cabinet he di'-- 
cussd State questions and party policies. He called for quarterly 
instead of biennial reports from the different State Department • 
and State officials, and instituted many reforms and changes, all 
of which caused the politicians to pull back in alarm. They inti- 
mated that he was going too far, and that all these ideas were 
unnecessary and uncalled-for. The first real break came at the 
State Convention of 1909, at which time Crothers, on a question 
of party policy, differed with John Walter Smith, and by a com- 
bination with J. F. C. Talbott, Joshua W. Miles and John J. Ma- 
hon, succeeded in forcing into the State platform of that year his 
own ideas. Mr. Talbott had been unfriendly with Smith ever 
since the Senatorial primaries in which Smith was victorious. 
Talbott believed he was entitled to the Senatorship, and thought 
Smith should not have had the support of the local organization. 
He was accordingly willing to go into a combination to discom- 
fort Smith at the State Convention. So also was Miles, who had 
been since 1900, politically hostile to Smith. 

The convention was held on August nth, and Crothers, who 
while he had begun to make some political enemies, was still 
strong with the party people, presided. There were twenty-four 
hours of fighting among the delegates and leaders prior to the 
convention, and almost as long a struggle after it met. In the 
end, the Crothers-Talbott-Mahon-Miles combination prevailed, 
and there was inserted in the platform over the heads of Smith 
and his friends a plank pledging the party to a Public Utilities 
Commission, and a plank pledging the party to give the city of 
Baltimore increased representation in the House of Delegates 
according to population, while in the Senate the representation 
of the city was to be based upon the population of the largest 
county as the unit. The county people generally under the leader- 
ship of Senator Smith and Arthur P. Gorman, Jr., fought this 
proposition vigorously. The plan was suggested by William L. 
Marbury, who was induced to accept a proxy from Baltimore 
county and attend the convention as a delegate. At the time it 
looked as if there would be a fight on the floor, and Mr. Talbott 
was willing to have Mr. Marbury represent his county and speak 
for it. The real fight, however, was in the resolutions commit- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 385 

tee, and there the Crothers-Talbott-Mahon people won. The 
platform as reported from the committee was unanimously 
adopted, and then Marbury was called to the stage by the Gov- 
ernor and made a ringing speech, in which he pledged himself 
to support the suffrage amendment, which had been made the 
vital issue in the platform. 

One sensational feature of the convention which was never 
made public, but which everyone knew, was the reason why there 
was no endorsement by the convention of the candidacy of Sen- 
ator Rayner to succeed himself in the Senate. Some time before 
the convention Senator Rayner had been anxious for an endorse- 
ment by the convention. He had no opposition, and no one was 
mentioned as a candidate against him. Senator Smith and State 
Senator Gorman advised him against having an endorsement, and 
declared that to have the convention pass a resolution for him 
would be to make the primaries a farce, inasmuch as it would 
pledge the party in advance, and shut the door in the face of all 
other aspirants. They told him there would be no candidate in 
the primaries against him, and that they thought there should be 
no endorsement. This apparently did not satisfy Mr. Rayner 
and his friends in the city delegation, John J. Mahon and others, 
had every intention of offering the resolution. On the night 
before the convention, when the leaders all gathered at the Ren- 
nert, State Senator Arthur P. Gorman heard that a Rayner reso- 
lution would be presented in the convention by the city people. 
He was in his room at the time, and sent his secretary, Richard 
Preece, to tell Mr. Rayner he wanted to see him. Mr. Rayner 
came down and Mr. Gorman told him in effect this: "Rayner, I 
understand that the city people are going to offer a resolution 
endorsing you for the Senator ship. I want to tell you that if 
any such resolution is offered, I will not only fight it on the floor, 
but I will be a candidate against you in the primaries, and I will 
give the organization more money than you can give them. Now, 
you go ahead and offer your resolution, if you want to." It is 
also said that Mr. Gorman threatened to charge Mr. Rayner with 
having bought his election to the Senate in 1904. After this 
conversation between himself and Mr. Rayner, Mr. Gorman came 
down into another room, where most of the leaders were gath- 



386 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

ered in conference, and there related what he had told Mr. Ray- 
ner and reiterated his intention of being a candidate if the resolu- 
tion were offered. Everybody there knew, too, he meant what 
he said. The resolution was never offered. Mr. Rayner entered 
the primaries, and, as Smith and Gorman predicted, there was 
no candidate against him, and he got a unanimous vote. Mr. 
Gorman's friends have always regretted that he did not make the 
fight against Rayner at this time, and contended that this was his 
great political opportunity, the conditions being such at the time 
as to have enabled him to have beaten him easily. He would 
have had the organization support, and The Sun, which was 
originally responsible for Mr. Rayner's elevation to the Senate, 
was not then as strongly pro-Rayner as it had been. It would 
have supported him but not with that intensity shown in 1904. 
One of the marvels of Maryland politics was Mr. Rayner's elec- 
tion to the Senate by the Legislature of 1910. He got every Demo- 
cratic vote in the Legislature, and had no opposition in the pri- 
maries. Yet, it is a fact that he had neither the personal nor the 
political friendship of a single Democratic leader of importance 
in the State, and an overwhelming majority of the Democrats who 
voted for him in the Legislature would have preferred to have 
voted for someone else. A man of great ability and eloquence, he 
possesses no real political strength and has never been a political 
factor within the organization. He has, however, always had a 
following outside of politics, which, with the support of the news- 
papers, has kept him in high office for many years. Probably no 
man holding public office today has more enemies among the poli- 
ticians in his own party than has he. His success has been in a 
great measure due to the fear among the politicians of the news- 
papers, which have almost invariably supported him. Particu- 
larly, has this been the case with The Sun, 

The Democratic State Convention of 1909 renominated 
Joshua W. Hering for State Comptroller. The Republican Con- 
vention, which met a week later, adopted a Public Utilities plank, 
a city representation plank and an anti-suffrage amendment plank. 
It also nominated for the Comptrollership Frank Williams, of 
Cecil county. In the campaign that followed, the two figures 
most prominently to the front on the Democratic side were Gov- 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 387 

ernor Crothers and William L. Marbury, who stumped the State, 
spoke together in many meetings and everywhere did their utmost 
for the ticket and the suffrage amendment. Senator Smith made 
several speeches — one at Belair, another at Chestertown and an- 
other in Baltimore city, and the whole party appeared unitedly 
behind the measure and the ticket. John Mahon, who plays the 
game straight, and keeps his word in politics as he does in his 
personal affairs, did all he could for the amendment, as did his 
friends. In addition, The Sun, which during the Poe amend- 
ment fight, had sat on the fence, made a red-hot campaign for 
the measure. Its defeat was a bitter blow to the men who be- 
lieved the best interest of the State demanded the elimination of 
the illiterate and venal negro vote. Its defeat convinced them 
that the last hope of carrying through such an amendment in 
Maryland had been lost. Its defeat was chiefly due to the mis- 
apprehension among foreign-born voters caused by the misrep- 
resentation of the amendment made by Republican orators and 
Republican newspapers. Under it, these white foreign-born vo- 
ters were amply protected, but they were convinced otherwise, 
and voted almost solidly against it. Its defeat sounded the death 
knell of negro disfranchisement in Maryland. Leading figures 
in the fight against the amendment were Charles J. Bonaparte. 
George R. Gaither and others. Some of the men who were on 
the Straus committee that helped frame the measure — such as 
Leigh Bonsai — also opposed it. It received about four-fifths of 
the total white vote cast, but the combination of 50,000 negroes, 
and the same number of foreign-born voters, together with the 
white Republicans, were sufficient to overwhelm it. The city 
candidates elected that year were: 

Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas— Adam Deupert. 

Clerk of the Circuit Court— William Carson. 

Surveyor — William O. Atwood. 
Register of Wills — Howard Jackson. 

Clerk of Criminal Court— Sam W. Pattison. 

Judges of the Supreme Bench— Charles W. Heuisler, Henry 
Duffy. 

Sheriff— John J. Hanson. 

The candidates defeated were: 



288 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Clerk of Court of Common Pleas — J. Webb Thomas. 

Clerk of Circuit Court — Max Ways. 

Surveyor — Raleigh C. Thomas. 

Register of Wills — Napoleon B. Lobe. 

Clerk of Criminal Court — George W. Padgett. 

Judges of the Supreme Bench — Martin Lehmayer, Lewis 
Putzel. 

Sheriff — Louis D. Greene. 

The defeat of Max Ways was a particularly unfortunate one 
from the Democratic standpoint. Mr. Ways was one of the most 
capable and efficient officials who ever held the Clerkship, and 
was personally popular in the city. He was beaten because of 
treachery toward him upon the part of several Democratic ward 
leaders, who were jealous of his influence with Senator Smith and 
John Mahon, both of whom trusted him and had confidence in 
his judgment and integrity. 

The Legislature of 1910 elected this year was as follows: 

THE SENATE. 

Allegany — Fredk. N. Zihlman, Republican. 

Anne Arundel — A. Theodore Brady, Democrat. 

Baltimore City — (District i) — *Chas. P. Coady, Democrat; 
(District 2) — *Peter J. Campbell, Democrat; (District 3) — 
*J. Chas. Linthicum, Democrat; (District 4) — Albert M. Sproes- 
ser, Republican. 

Baltimore County— *John S. Biddison, Democrat. 

Calvert — *Lewis McK. Griffith, Republican, 

Caroline — Lewis E. Goslin, Democrat. 

Carroll — *Johnzie E. Beasman, Democrat. 

Cecil — Omar D. Crothers, Democrat. 

Charles — William J. Frere, Democrat. 

Dorchester — J. Hooper Bosley, Democrat. 

Frederick — *John P. T. Matthias, Republican. 

Garrett — Harvey J. Speicher, Republican. 

Harford — Chas. A. Andrew, Democrat. 

Howard — *A. P. Gorman, Jr., Democrat. 

Kent — *William M. Slav, Democrat. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 38J» 

Montgomery — Blair Lee, Democrat. 
Prince George's — Dr. Chas. A. Wells, Democrat. 
Queen Anne's — *John Frank Harper, Democrat. 
Somerset— *Lewis M. Milburn, Democrat. 
St. Mary's — Washington Wilkinson, Republican. 
Talbot — Richard S. Dodson, Democrat. 
Washington— Dr. D. C. R. Miller, Democrat. 
Wicomico — * Jesse D. Price, Democrat. 
Worcester — John P. Moore, Democrat. 

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Allegany— Frank Lee Carl, Gustav Knierim, John Abbott, 
Walter W. Wittig, Conrad J. Herpich, Republicans. 

Anne Arundel— George T. Murray, Oden Bowie Ducketl, 
Charles L. Tate, Benj. Watkins, Jr., Democrats. 

Baltimore City— (First Legislative District)— William j. 
Coyne, J. A. McQuade, Democrats; Robert J. Beacham, John A. 
Janetzke, Louis E. Melis, Charles W. Main, Republicans. 

(Second Legislative District)— W. H. Juerss, M. C. Slemmer, 
Louis W. Rahe, A. C. Girdwood, Robert H. Carr, F. W. Wilcox, 
Democrats. 

(Third Legislative District)— John W. Hogan, Dr. T. A. 
Ashby, J. A. Dawkins, T. L. Marriott, Chas. W. Grant, Demo- 
crats ; George Eldridge, Republican. 

(Fourth Legislative District)— W. Harry Pairo, R. N. Sheck- 
ells, Gustav Krause, Frank T. Yates, Fredk. J. Peusch, Thomas 
L. Parks, Republicans. 

Baltimore County— Carville D. Benson, William F. Coghlan, 
Charles M. Snyder, J. Howard Fox, William Frederick Glantz 
Harry S. Morfoot, Democrats. 

Calvert— T. Frank Lusby, James T. Ross, Republicans. 

Caroline— Edward E. Carter, J. Edgar Williamson. Democrats. 

Carroll— Daniel J. Hesson, Democrat; Judson Hill, R. Smith 
Snader, Republicans; John T. Stoner, Democrat. 

Cecil— George W. Cosden, Samuel J. Keys, Adam Peeples, 
Democrats. 

Charles— W. Mitchell Digges, Augustus S. Slye, Democrats. 



390 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

Dorchester— William P. Andrews, Hazelton A. Joyce, Jr., Wil- 
liam H. Alaguire, Samuel J. T. Smith, Democrats. 

Frederick— John C. Castle, Clement C. Ausherman, Peter L. 
Hargett, Jas. P. Harris, William O. Wertenbaker, Republicans. 

Garrett— De Courcey E. Bolden, J. Elbert Chappell, Repub- 
licans. 

Harford— Dr. Martin L. Jarrett, Joseph W. Archer, Henry 
A. Osborn, Jr., Fleury F. Sullivan, Democrats. 

Howard— William Howard Brown, Edward M. Hammond ; 
Democrats. 

Kent — Harry O. Willis, Jas. S.Harris, Democrats. 

Montgomery — Andrew J. Cummings J. Alby Henderson, Jas. 
E. Duvall, John A. Garrett, Democrats. 

Prince George's — Jere J. Crowley, W. R. C. Connick, Millard 
Thorne, Ogle Marbury, Democrats. 

Queen Anne's — Samuel Roe, John P. Roe, Frank H. Phillips, 
Democrats. 

Somerset — Alpheus L. Carver, Herschel Ford, William F. 
Byrd, Democrats, 

St. Mary's — Dr. C. V. Hayden, Jr., Democrat ; Francis Z. 
Crane, Republican. 

Talbot — Chas. H. Rose, Republican ; John A. Rhodes, William 
Oscar Collier, Democrats. 

Washington — David E. Downin, Democrat ; Harry Brindle, 
Daniel D. Keedy, Republicans ; J. Winger Draper, Jacob M. Mid- 
dlekauff. Democrats. 

Wicomico— John W. Wingate, Elisha E. Twilley, P. Taylor 
Baker, Democrats. 

Worcester — Severn Murray, Reese C. Peters, William F. King, 
Democrats. 

House of Delegates — Democrats, 70; Republicans, 31. To- 
tal, lOI. 

On Joint Ballot — Democrats, 91 ; Republicans, 37. Democratic 
majority, 54. 

^Holdovers. 



THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 391 

Immediately after the election, a fight developed over the 
Speakership. Talbot and Miles were still hostile politically to 
Smith. John Mahon was friendly with Crothers, and the situa- 
tion was such that it was conceded the organization of the Legis- 
lature was in the hands of the Governor. Crothers, since the 
State Convention fight, had had no close relations with Senator 
Smith. They were still outwardly friendly, but a coolness as a 
result of that fight, and of the difference in judgment between 
them as to what constituted the best party policy, had arisen. 
Carville D. Benson, the friend and lieutenant of Mr. Talbott, be- 
came a candidate for the Speakership. Crothers, after confer- 
ence with Miles, Talbott and Benson, led them to believe that he 
would be for Benson. Benson and his friends later claimed that 
the Governor did specifically pledge himself. The Governor al- 
ways denied this. When Smith found out what had been de- 
cided upon he set to work to break it up. He realized that should 
Benson be elected Speaker, Talbott and Crothers could use him 
as a plank to walk on to the deck of the Democratic ship of state 
and take charge. He did not propose to have this, if he could 
help it. He himself went to Crothers and protested strongly. At 
his instance man after man went to the Governor and urged him 
for his own sake and the sake of the party not to permit Benson 
to be Speaker. Charges of corruption were made against Mr. 
Benson, and it was declared he was allied with the lobby and 
the corporations. Finally Crothers yielded, and swung his influ- 
ence to Mr. Adam Peeples, of Cecil county, an utterly inexperi- 
enced and untried man, but one whom he knew and in whom he 
had confidence. There was, of course, tremendous disappoint- 
ment in the Talbott-Benson-Miles camp, and they have not yet 
forgiven Crothers for what they termed his desertion. The elec- 
tion of Arthur P. Gorman, Jr., as President of the Senate was 
conceded. The Legislature met and organized. Immediately 
the trouble began. Crothers had his heart set upon cutting down 
the number of legislative employees and carrying out to the full 
every Democratic pledge in the platform. The organization 
leaders ran away with him on the economy business and loaded 
up the pay rolls in a way that was simply outrageous. Mr. 
Peeples' inexperience made him helpless against such an able 



392 THE STORY OF MARYLAND POLITICS. 

and expert parliamentarian as Benson, and it was Benson who 
ran the House for the most part. On the Senate side, there early 
developed the most pronounced bitterness between Senator Gor- 
man and the Governor, and they fought each other all through the 
session. Senator Smith was in no way responsible for what went 
on at Annapolis at the time. A great sorrow came to him in the 
death of his wife, and he knew little and cared less of the doings 
at Annapolis. There was a tremendous fight over the Public 
Utilities Bill, which was only saved from defeat by the strenuous 
efforts of the Governor and Attorney-General Straus. The city 
representation pledge of the party was only partially carried out, 
and would not have been fulfilled at all, had it not been for 
Crothers. The Direct Primary law went through under the pres- 
sure of the Governor, who held his veto of local bills over the 
heads of the members, and did not scruple to use the patronage to 
gain votes. A white hot fight for the repeal of the bills giving 
the Consolidation Gas Company a monopoly in the city was the 
feature of the first part of the session. The Governor lined up 
with The Sun in this fight, and thereby completed the final break 
between him and Mr. S. Davies Warfield, who felt that he had 
been treated with shameful ingratitude, and who was, in fact, 
treacherously dealt with by some of the city officials, who made 
agreements with him and then failed to keep them. An exception 
to this was City Solicitor Edgar Allan Poe, who refused to go 
back on his given word. The repeal bills went through and were 
signed by the Governor. From a political standpoint, the most 
sensational thing attempted by the Legislature of 1910 was the 
passage of what was known as the Digges disfranchising bills, 
which boldly and openly took away from the negro his right to 
register, doing by act of the Legislature what had been attempted 
by means of a suffrage amendment. It was a fine, bold scheme, 
which had the sanction of William L. Marbury, Arthur Machen, 
William Rawls and other Democratic lawyers who had been asked 
for help and assistance by W. Mitchell Digges, of Charles county. 
The outline of the plan was prepared at a conference held at Mr. 
Marbury's house in the city, to which besides Mr. Digges a num- 
ber of other Southern Maryland Democrats were invited. Gov- 
ernor Crothers and all the other party leaders were later con- 



THE STORY OP MARYLAND POLITICS. 393 

suited and agreed. The bills were passed and went to the Gov- 
ernor. The Sun came violently out against it as calculated to 
knock down the whole electoral structure that had been built up 
in other Southern States by forcing the Supreme Court to decide 
the question. There was a tremendous furore for a time and then 
Mr. Marbury discovered the scheme legally would not hold 
water, and on his advice the Governor vetoed it. 

When the Legislature ended, Governor Crothers found he had 
antagonized his party organization almost to the extent that Gov- 
ernor Warfield had done. The break between him and Smith 
was complete. Mr. S. Davies Warfield, Frank A. Furst and 
other big party men of high standing and character, had lost all 
friendship for him. Senator Gorman was his enemy, and all the 
smaller city and county leaders had begun to cry against the Gov- 
ernor. This did not worry the Governor very much, because he 
had long ago abandoned any idea of a political future, and did 
not desire one. He felt that he had done his duty as he saw it, 
and regretted the party leaders could not go along with him. He 
pursued the even tenor of his way, getting "knocks" from various 
sources, and closed the last year of his administration with the 
politicians pretty well arrayed against him, through no particular 
fault of his own. 



INDEX. 



Page. 
CHAPTER I: 

The Redemption of Maryland from Militarism -Governer 
Swann and the Senatorship 5 

CHAPTER H: 

Rise to Power of Gorman and Rasin — Entrance of the Negro 
into Politics 15 

CHAPTER HI: 

The Railroad War that Elected Oden Bowie Governor 24 

CHAPTER IV: 

Formation of the "Ring" and the Election of Whyte as Senator 33 

CHAPTER V: 

The Celebrated Potato-Bug Campaign of 187.' and its Results. . 42 

CHAPTER VI: 

Cleveland's Liking for Rasin and Rasin's Attitude Toward 

Gorman 53 

CHAPTER VII: 

The "Old Guard" and its Power — The Break Between Gorman 

and Whyte 63 

CHAPTER VIII: 

The First Election of Gorman to the Senate 74 

CHAPTER IX: 

Talbott's Clever Trick to Secure a Nomination — Legislature of 

1882 85 

CHAPTER X: 

The Long and Bitter Warfare Between John K. Cowen and 

Arthur P. Gorman 95 

CHAPTER XT: 

The New Judgeship Fight and its Significanc*^ Bernard 

Carter and the Part he Played 104 

CHAPTER XIT: 

How Robert M. McLane Became Governor and E. K. Wilson 

Got a Senatorship 113 



IMDEX. 

Page. 
CHAPTER XIII: 

Senator Gorman's Part in the First Cleveland Campaign — 
Story of the Convention 124 

CHAPTER XIV: 

The Brown-Hodges Mayoralty Campaign — Some of its Inci- 
dents and Results 133 

CHAPTER XV: 

How the Bosses Determined to Nominate Jackson for Governor 
and how the Trick was Turned 142 

CHAPTER XVI: 

The Political Warfare Between A. P. Gorman and John K. 

Cowen— Legislatures of 1S88 and 1890 154 

CHAPTER XVII: 

How Frank Brown Became Governor and "Charlie" Gibson 
Went to the Senate 169 

CHAPTER XVIII: 

The Brown Administration and its Features — Legislature of 

1894 181 

CHAPTER XIX: 

The Democratic Defeat of 1895, the Causes Thereof and the 

Results that Followed 195 

CHAPTER XX: 

Maryland under Republican Rule — The Lowndes Administra- 
tion—Rise of William F. Stone 210 

CHAPTER XXI: 

The Election of William Cabell Bruce as President of State 
Senate and of George L. Wellington to the United States 
Senate 222 

CHAPTER XXII: 

The Defeat of Senator Gorman in the Memorable Campaign 
of 1897 and the Election of Louis E. McComas by the 
Legislature 233 

CHAPTER XXIII: 

How Thomas G. Hayes Became Mayor and Features of the 

Hayes Administration 243 

CHAPTER XXIV: 

The Regaining of the State Through the Election of John 

Walter Smith as Governor 250 

CHAPTER XXV: 

Maryland's Part in the Exciting Campaign of 1900 260 



INDEX. 

Page. 
CHAPTER XXVI: 

Why Governor Smith Called the Extra Session of 1901 — The 

First Step Toward Gorman's Return to the Senate 265 

CHAPTER XXVII: 

How Gorman Fought His Way Back to the Senate — The 

Friedenwald Dinner 273 

CHAPTER XXVIII: 

Isaac Lobe Straus' Great Fight at Annapolis in 1902 — How He 
Defeated the Bosses 282 

CHAPTER XXIX: 

The IMcLane-Hayes Primaries and the True Story of Robert 
M. McLane's Candidacy 289 

CHAPTER XXX: 

The Wachter-McLane Fight and the Treachery that Market it. 304 

CHAPTER XXXI: 

The Warfield-Williams Campaign and How Each Came to be 

Nominated 312 

CHAPTER XXXIl. 

The Real Story of the Smith-Rayner Fight for the Senator- 
ship in the Legislature of 1904 319 

CHAPTER XXXIII: 

Governor Warfield's Break with Gorman and the Defeat of the 
First Suffrage Amendment 330 

CHAPTER XXXIV: 

Charges that Followed the Death of McLane — The Timanus 
Administration and the Death of Rasin — Mahool's Election 340 

CHAPTER XXXV: 

The Congressional Fights from 1900 to 1908 351 

CHAPTER XXXVI: 

The Crothers-Gaither Campaign for Governor and the Election 

to the Senate of John Walter Smith 362 

CHAPTER XXXVII: 

The Features of the C'rother's Administration — How he Paid 
his Political Debts and the Break with John Walter Smith 
—Legislature of 1910 379 



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Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process 
Neutralizing Agent: Magnesium Oxide 
Treatment Date: 

JUN 1998 

QQKKEEPER 




